« At War With Race Racism has existed since the beginning of time. People have fought hundreds of wars in the name of racial superiority. ...» Document abstract
$2.95
3 word format
Language : english
history 1789 to present
school essay
date published
28/08/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 5 times
Summary Racism has existed since the beginning of time. People have fought hundreds of wars in the name of racial superiority. Racial differences come between almost all people at some point, be it in war or in every day life. Robert Abzug’s Inside the Vicious Heart and Philip Caputo’s A Rumor of War exemplify the racial differences that occurred as a result of the Holocaust and the Vietnam War. These events were based on racial discrimination and events that led to a new racial hatred.
The Holocaust was spurred by the Nazi hatred for all those who they believed to be inferior to them. Many races were victims of the Holocaust: Jews, Polish, Hungarians, Czechoslovakians, Ukrainians, Russians, French, Gypsies, and even some Germans.
The Holocaust was spurred by the Nazi hatred for all those who they believed to be inferior to them. Many races were victims of the Holocaust: Jews, Polish, Hungarians, Czechoslovakians, Ukrainians, Russians, French, Gypsies, and even some Germans.
Table of Contents- The Holocaust was spurred by the Nazi hatred for all those who they believed to be inferior to them
- Over time, after American soldiers infiltrated the camps, the news spread of the true, real life mass burials, the mass murders in crematoriums and gas chambers, and the full out genocide that was going on in Germany
- If nothing else, Americans had a hard time dealing with the German guards who remained at the camps.
- Caputo's A Rumor of War reveals another type of racism that can develop as a result of war.
- In the finals months of his time in Vietnam, Caputo became enraged with two young VC.
« Traditional logic suggests peaceful climate is necessary to preserve the human race, not the destruction associated with war. Kant ...» Document abstract
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8 word format
Language : english
humanities/philosophy
presentation
date published
18/04/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
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SummaryHuman beings are not inherently desirous of war and destruction. Antithetically, their basal concern is preservation preservation of land, property, rights, religion, and life. War has no innate locale in the souls of man; it is a device, and many consider it flawed in nature and profoundly negative. Agatha Christie believed “that war settles nothing; to win a war is as disastrous as to lose one” (Christie). Immanuel Kant’s Perpetual Peace highlights the state of war on Earth. Even when war is dormant; it exists. Does it need to? Ideal diplomacy would be characterized by ethical and pragmatic relationships with consideration of the common goal preserving the human race. Traditional logic suggests peaceful climate is necessary to preserve the human race, not the destruction associated with war. Kant argues that “The state of peace among men living side by side is not the natural state (status naturalist); the natural state is one of war” (Kant 2). Humans will transition from the state of war to perpetual peace when ready, when perpetual peace becomes natural, when intellect creates mechanisms to properly harness human nature; until then, that mechanism is war.
« A Race to the Finish : A struggle for equal rights The United States, despite this democracy, divided the American culture even after the Civil War ended and ...» Document abstract
$3.95
4 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
01/05/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
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SummaryThe United States, despite its libertarian ideals and emphasis on equality, has more than once turned its back on its own citizens. Slavery, the most bruising, shameful mark in the history of this democracy, divided the American culture even after the Civil War ended and the slaves were freed. In the nineteenth century and twentieth century black society continually fought for their civil rights, pursuing an equality of opportunity that all citizens should find inalienable and duly granted at birth. Despite this, this pursuit of happiness was not without a long and complex history. From the Atlanta Compromise of Booker T. Washington to the Niagara Movement's eventual creation of the NAACP, the struggle for African American equality has been consistently evolving. Regardless of the differences in philosophical approaches towards achieving equality, the common factor within the civil rights movement has been the stress of unity, and the search for peaceful resolution through legislative and judicial means.
Table of Contents- The forerunner of black rights in America following the Civil War was Booker T.
- His arguments, purely capitalist in design, attested the importance of innovation.
- DuBois himself was philosophically different from Washington in terms of overcoming racial inequality.
- In 1957, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights passed the Civil Rights Act.
- Literally, blacks and whites were banding together in the south and revolted against the biased and prejudiced laws plaguing black equality of access.
- The Black Panthers, finally, organized a party that was political and militant above all else.
« This upped the ante and began what would become an epic and terrifying arms race. Continuing his recital of the history of the Cold War, Joel keeps naming ...» Document abstract
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4 word format
Language : english
history 1789 to present
presentation
date published
16/05/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
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SummaryMusic serves as a reflection of a society. When a society is prospering, the music is noticeably happier, such as the Big Band phenomenon in the roaring 20’s. The same principle applies to a society going through rough times, such as jazz during the years of the Great Depression. The Cold War Years in America were filled with fear and tension. The two superpowers of the world, the United States and the U.S.S.R., were in a rivalry of epic proportions. This paper will explore how popular music during the Cold War mirrored the fears and anxieties of the American public by exploring and analyzing the songs of various influential artists, including Billy Joel, Prince, the Beatles, and Nena.
Table of Contents- Billy Joel wrote a revolutionary song at this time of enormous unrest.
- Continuing his recital of the history of the Cold War, Joel keeps naming those responsible.
- Another song written during the uncertain times of the Cold War was 'Back In the USSR,' by the Beatles.
- 99 Red Balloons by Nena was a song about a tragic scenario.
- When the Cold War ended with the collapse of Soviet Union in 1991, the music of the time changed drastically.
« the race conflicts in the United States, and the threat of religious fanaticism. Once more, Arthur Schlesinger wanders from the initial subject, the war in ...» Document abstract
$3.95
4 word format
Language : english
political science
book review
date published
29/11/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 2 times
SummaryWar And The American Presidency was written by Arthur Schlesinger Jr., who used to be an adviser for Adlai Stevenson’s campaign and a special assistant to President Kennedy . He participated in the founding of Americans for Democratic Action, “America's oldest independent liberal lobbying organization” . Schlesinger wrote many famous books about the American politics, including the much heralded work The Imperial Presidency (1973). War And The American Presidency was published in September 2004, two months before the presidential elections. As a liberal historian, it is not a surprise that Schlesinger disapproves with the so-called “Bush doctrine”, but as the author underlines it in the Foreword (p. XI), the “historical dimension” is essential to understanding current issues such as the war in Iraq.
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. first highlights a fact often forgotten: unilateralism is not a new foreign policy in America. George Washington already extolled the virtues of isolationism, which was limited to political relationships. According to Richard H. Rovere, isolationism is the old word standing for unilateralism (p. 3). The two World Wars and the Cold War created a need for collective security, but one can observe a resurgence of unilateralism today, an example being the distrust towards the United Nations (p. 17). Schlesinger is nevertheless convinced that unilateralism cannot work, and that it will fail in the future. The second major element of Bush’s policy is the “preventive war”, ending the traditional combination of containment and deterrence used since the beginning of the Cold War. The author clarifies the difference between “preemptive” and “preventive” war. The Bush administration claims that it applies the former, but a preemptive war answers a “direct, immediate, specific threat that must be crushed at one” (p. 23). Even the CIA declared that there was no imminent threat from Iraq, which leads Schlesinger to the conclusion that it is a preventive war, that is to say, a “potential, future, therefore speculative threat”. It was an easier target than the war on terrorism (p. 31). Thus, war “becomes a matter of presidential choice” (p. 21) and signals the renewal of the “imperial presidency”. This increase in executive powers can be a danger for democracy if it lasts. Then, the author analyzes the history of dissent in wartime through centuries. He notices that, even though Presidents have attempted to stop dissent with special acts, such as the Alien and Sedition Acts set by John Adams’ administration or the Espionage and Sedition Acts during Wilson’s presidency, criticism has always existed. He quotes the Copperheads of the Civil War, in other words “northern men with southern convictions” (p. 78). About recent history, he could have mentioned the numerous peace protests opposing the Vietnam War. He deplores that the debate preceding the Iraq War lacked quality (p. 81). Dealing with democracy, he also deplores that the Electoral College did not follow the popular choice four times in history and proposes a “bonus plan”: “to award the popular-vote winner a bonus of two electoral votes for each state and the District of Columbia” (p. 102). Additionally, he wonders whether democracy has a future during this new century of “religious fanaticism” (p. 116). Democracy will be confronted with many challenges during the twenty first century, but is able to remain thanks to its capacity of self-correction. Schlesinger concludes the book with the role of history in policymaking. History instructs what not to do rather than what to do, and one should be careful with historical analogy.
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. first highlights a fact often forgotten: unilateralism is not a new foreign policy in America. George Washington already extolled the virtues of isolationism, which was limited to political relationships. According to Richard H. Rovere, isolationism is the old word standing for unilateralism (p. 3). The two World Wars and the Cold War created a need for collective security, but one can observe a resurgence of unilateralism today, an example being the distrust towards the United Nations (p. 17). Schlesinger is nevertheless convinced that unilateralism cannot work, and that it will fail in the future. The second major element of Bush’s policy is the “preventive war”, ending the traditional combination of containment and deterrence used since the beginning of the Cold War. The author clarifies the difference between “preemptive” and “preventive” war. The Bush administration claims that it applies the former, but a preemptive war answers a “direct, immediate, specific threat that must be crushed at one” (p. 23). Even the CIA declared that there was no imminent threat from Iraq, which leads Schlesinger to the conclusion that it is a preventive war, that is to say, a “potential, future, therefore speculative threat”. It was an easier target than the war on terrorism (p. 31). Thus, war “becomes a matter of presidential choice” (p. 21) and signals the renewal of the “imperial presidency”. This increase in executive powers can be a danger for democracy if it lasts. Then, the author analyzes the history of dissent in wartime through centuries. He notices that, even though Presidents have attempted to stop dissent with special acts, such as the Alien and Sedition Acts set by John Adams’ administration or the Espionage and Sedition Acts during Wilson’s presidency, criticism has always existed. He quotes the Copperheads of the Civil War, in other words “northern men with southern convictions” (p. 78). About recent history, he could have mentioned the numerous peace protests opposing the Vietnam War. He deplores that the debate preceding the Iraq War lacked quality (p. 81). Dealing with democracy, he also deplores that the Electoral College did not follow the popular choice four times in history and proposes a “bonus plan”: “to award the popular-vote winner a bonus of two electoral votes for each state and the District of Columbia” (p. 102). Additionally, he wonders whether democracy has a future during this new century of “religious fanaticism” (p. 116). Democracy will be confronted with many challenges during the twenty first century, but is able to remain thanks to its capacity of self-correction. Schlesinger concludes the book with the role of history in policymaking. History instructs what not to do rather than what to do, and one should be careful with historical analogy.
Table of Contents- Unilateralism is not a new foreign policy in America
- The content of the book is highly guided by the political context: the presidential elections of 2004
- Schlesinger's style is simple, and sentences quite short, allowing him to appear to a popular audience
« first irrupted not among the slaves, but between the whites and mulattoes, those of mixed race. . The British would ultimately decide to enter the war in 1793 ...» Document abstract
$3.95
4 word format
Language : english
history 1789 to present
research papers
date published
05/09/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 7 times
SummaryWhen Columbus first landed on the tiny island that would later be known as Saint Domingue, and eventually Haiti, it is doubtful whether he could have ever imagined it becoming “the wealthiest European outpost in the New World,” nor the significant impact that it would eventually have on France, Great Britain, and the United States. Saint Domingue was to become the “crown jewel among France’s colonial possessions,” the British would try unsuccessfully to possess it and the events in Saint Domingue “would change American history and help to save the heart of the continent for the United States.” The instigation for so much foreign involvement began when the massive slave population on Saint Domingue decided to follow the example of France, its mother country, and begin a revolution of their own. In the most massive slave revolt in history, the slaves of Saint Domingue would succeed in maintaining their independence from not only France, but England and Spain as well.
Table of Contents- Saint Domingue was to become the 'crown jewel among France's colonial possessions,?
- The western third of Hispaniola came into French possession with the signing of the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697
- The French colony would come to supply much of Europe's sugar, coffee, and cocoa.
- The growth of St. Domingue also had a notable impact on the United States.
- The revolution on Saint Domingue first irrupted not among the slaves, but between the whites and mulattoes, those of mixed race.
- The British would ultimately decide to enter the war in 1793.
- With the threat from the British gone, Toussaint quickly began establishing contact with the United States
- During the French war on Saint Domingue, the United States continued to send American ships to trade with the island.
- When the Haitian Revolution ended in 1804, abolitionists in Britain began to argue that the success of the Haitian independence warranted ending the slave trade in Britain's colonies.
« war in order to "protect" Germany's racial purity. As previously stated, he deported millions of people deemed unfit to be a part of the German "master race". ...» Document abstract
$2.95
3 word format
Language : english
history 1789 to present
term papers
date published
03/05/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 8 times
SummaryWorld War Two left Europe war torn and destitute. Over 30 million people had been “uprooted, transplanted, expelled, deported and dispersed…in the years 1939-43” (Judt, Postwar, p. 23). Many cities were completely destroyed including Minsk, Royan, Le Havre, Hamburg, Cologne, Warsaw, and thousands of others (p. 16-17). Industry and agriculture were hard hit, which contributed to the need for food rationing because there was not enough food to feed Europe. This war was without a doubt a total war, in the sense that nothing was sacred or safe from the war machine. An example of the effects of this total war can be seen in the number of civilian casualties: “The numbers of civilian dead exceeded military losses in the USSR, Hungary, Poland, Yugoslavia, Greece, France, the Netherlands, Belgium and Norway” (p. 18). Thus, this war wreaked havoc not only on the physical landscape of Europe, but also on the psyche of Europeans: Europe would never be the same. In order to deal with this intense trauma and its ensuing consequences, Europe repatriated millions of refugees and displaced persons, many Western European countries instituted social welfare programs, and some countries created myths about the war in order to help their countries heal.
Table of Contents- During WWII, Hitler fought a racial war in order to 'protect' Germany's racial purity
- Because of the Holocaust, there were few Jews left in Europe
- Another by-product of the war was the creation of welfare states
- World War Two represented a key turning point for France
- The Soviet Union suffered the worst casualties of the war, losing over 30 million people
- After the war ended, Stalin claimed all of the territory that the Red Army had liberated as part of the Soviet sphere of influence
- Germany's postwar experience was different than the Allied nations' experiences
- World War Two left a deep wound in Europe both metaphorically and physically
Discuss the emergence of new forms of nationalism between 1848 and 1914. Answer with reference to one or more European country
« In time of international conflict the `race' issue became an incredible motivational factor; in the Boer War British field Marshall Roberts referred inexorably ...» Document abstract
$8.95
9 word format
Language : english
history 1789 to present
presentation
date published
11/11/2002
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 9 times
SummaryDefining nationalism before considering its development and emergence in the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th is useful because it offers us a good base for a greater comprehension of the phenomenon during this period of time. As Michael Hughes correctly points out in ‘Nationalism in Society’, commentators generally seem to agree that the nation is a concept of unity (1). The unity he is speaking of can be based on a variety of criteria ranging from language and culture to religious beliefs, of which Israel and Pakistan are examples. A nation has characteristics that isolates or differentiates it from others, individual features, which render it unique. Professor Mancini puts it as ‘a natural community of people with a common territory and common origins, customs and language, united for a common life and common social awareness’ (2). New nations forming in the 19th century meant fertile ground for new political organisations, and differences in between the political right and left became very apparent. Whereas the right commonly backed nationalism, socialists and the traditional left never came to terms with it. Methods of propaganda were obviously used to gather popular support but these methods varied from country to country, some using racism and xenophobic slogans and some relying solely on the love of the nation. For a nation to be stable it needed to be prosperous and free, like Guizot said, and in 1848 the revolutions broke out because countries had none of these features. The population’s unrest developed into revolts and manifestations, some furthering their actions by going on and forming national ‘revolutionary’ groups. I will call them ‘revolutionary’ because they were a destabilising factor for the ruling forces. All over Europe in the period between 1880 and 1914 nationalism took a dramatic leap, becoming an important actor in politics and creating a number of fanatical movements. These were movements that focused on their nation, proudly lifting a national flag against foreigners, Jews and liberals. Movements within countries or empires developed like in the Austro-Hungarian Empire where local populations, Magyars in particular, demanded independence or at least more liberties.
Commonly, a high degree of aggressiveness could also be attributed to these forces originating from a will to expand or consolidate territories but this wasn’t a general rule of nationalism, some simply wanted to expel foreigners. What is interesting to consider too is if the States drove the people to the First World War or if it is the people who led the nations into it.
Commonly, a high degree of aggressiveness could also be attributed to these forces originating from a will to expand or consolidate territories but this wasn’t a general rule of nationalism, some simply wanted to expel foreigners. What is interesting to consider too is if the States drove the people to the First World War or if it is the people who led the nations into it.
Table of Contents- The decline of the Empire can be considered inversely proportional to the rise in nationalism
- The intellectuals originally wanted to form a nation based on the language and history but also a common envy to expel foreigners was present in the population
- Nationalism and the Franco- Prussian war
- Racial theories exerted powerful attractions all over Europe in the 19th century - ‘Social Darwinism' and its deformation
“The Separation Between Meaning and Its Signifiers and Identity as the Form Outside: The Possibilities Within Identity Politics”
« World War II exploded this system of singular identity and imploded a general Latin America as the breeding ground for a fifth, universal race is constructed ...» Document abstract
$5.95
6 word format
Language : english
educational studies
case study
date published
14/04/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 0 times
SummaryA country subjects itself to the hegemony of essentialism through its use of borders to define its geography and its attempts to effectively identify itself through the distillation of its dominant cultural characteristics. It subscribes to the notion of hierarchy through the resulting stagnation of quantification and demobilization of investment in the development and urbanization of a country’s geographic location. Every singularizing act is tied to essentialism through a relation to identity as an ultimate truth or an ultimate goal. Prior to World War II, countries subscribed to the shared language of identification: borders, history, geography and economic power, as well as a relation through dominant and subversive countries.
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