«Fidel Castro Fidel Castro came into power in Cuba on January 1, 1959. He obtained power through a 25-month revolution. Despite the ...» Document abstract
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SummaryFidel Castro came into power in Cuba on January 1, 1959. He obtained power through a 25-month revolution. Despite the use of guerilla warfare, the revolution was fairly bloodless. By this time Castro was a beloved figure in Cuba, regarded as a national hero. According to Sebastian Balfour’s work Castro: Profiles in Power, Castro’s “objective was nothing less than the transformation of Cuba into a developed and independent nation. He intended to achieve this extraordinary feat by mobilizing the island’s internal resources.” (64) After Castro took control of the country, his policies and allegiances put forth to achieve this goal took many twists and turns, and many of his decisions and actions can be termed ‘paradoxical’. As Cubans experienced these contradictions and inconsistencies, they reacted in several different ways, including both supporting the government and turning their backs on it.
« Ratner, Ray 2004). In opposition to the lease, Fidel Castro has always refused to accept the rent of about $4,085 a year. On October 29 ...» Document abstract
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international relations
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29/11/2006
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SummaryIn 1898, the United States intervened in the Caribbean and Pacific to fight against Spanish imperialism. In the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, the United States occupied Cuba from January 1899 to May 1902. On February 25, 1901, Senator Orville H. Platt introduced in Congress “the famous amendment that bears his name” (Aguilar 1972), which shaped the American intervention in Cuban affairs. It also proposed the creation of an American naval base in Cuba. The bill became law on March 2. In spite of a strong opposition in the country, Cuba conceded that a restricted independence was better than a military regime (Aguilar 1972) and included the amendment in its 1901 Constitution. In 1903, the Lease of Coaling or Naval Stations Agreement Between the United States and Cuba Treaty specified that, in exchange of “the continuance of the ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of Cuba, … the United states shall exercise complete jurisdiction and control over and within said areas” (Treaty Series No. 418). Since then, Guantánamo Bay has been under U.S. control.
Although the Platt Amendment was abrogated by Cuba in 1904, a new agreement was negotiated between the Roosevelt administration and the American-friendly Caffery-Batista-Mendieta government. It kept the “Platt spirit” (Dominguez, Smith 1988) by not changing the status of Guantánamo, “so long as the United States of America shall not abandon the said naval station of Guantanamo or the two Governments shall not agree to a modification of its present limits” (Treaty Series No. 866). Thus, the new Treaty of Relations established a “lease in perpetuity” (Dominguez, Smith 1988).
Since the revolution in 1959, Cuba has wanted to terminate the lease, but it is has not been able to do so without American consent (Ratner, Ray 2004). In opposition to the lease, Fidel Castro has always refused to accept the rent of about $4,085 a year. On October 29, 1962, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Castro declared that the only effective guarantee “that there will be no aggression against Cuba” would be five points , including the U.S. withdrawal from Guantánamo Naval Base (Blight, Brenner 2004). This request was supported by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in its First Summit Conference , held in Belgrade in 1961 (Ricardo Luis 1994), but the movement was not influent enough to change the U.S. foreign policy.
Although the Platt Amendment was abrogated by Cuba in 1904, a new agreement was negotiated between the Roosevelt administration and the American-friendly Caffery-Batista-Mendieta government. It kept the “Platt spirit” (Dominguez, Smith 1988) by not changing the status of Guantánamo, “so long as the United States of America shall not abandon the said naval station of Guantanamo or the two Governments shall not agree to a modification of its present limits” (Treaty Series No. 866). Thus, the new Treaty of Relations established a “lease in perpetuity” (Dominguez, Smith 1988).
Since the revolution in 1959, Cuba has wanted to terminate the lease, but it is has not been able to do so without American consent (Ratner, Ray 2004). In opposition to the lease, Fidel Castro has always refused to accept the rent of about $4,085 a year. On October 29, 1962, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Castro declared that the only effective guarantee “that there will be no aggression against Cuba” would be five points , including the U.S. withdrawal from Guantánamo Naval Base (Blight, Brenner 2004). This request was supported by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in its First Summit Conference , held in Belgrade in 1961 (Ricardo Luis 1994), but the movement was not influent enough to change the U.S. foreign policy.
Table of Contents- Issue background: Guantánamo and the United States since 1898
- Courses of action
- Arguments: why Guantánamo should return to Cuba
« It was there he encountered Fidel Castro. Che Fidel Castro is credited with saying to Korda that "without you, we wouldn't exist". This ...» Document abstract
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history 1789 to present
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date published
18/12/2007
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SummaryIt has been said that love is the deepest and strongest of all human emotions. It is understood globally across all countries and continents. One of the beautiful things about love is that it can exist anywhere, in many shapes and varieties. It has the power to bring people, countries, and lifestyles together. Most importantly, it had the power to bring both Ernesto Che Guevera and Alberto Korda to their feet and ignite the revolution of Cuba.
It was not ordinary love that drove these two men to stand up for their tiny, impoverished country. It was neither sexual nor romantic. However, the love differs between the two men. Korda’s love was pride; undying pride for his community and his country. Che’s love was through power and control.
It was not ordinary love that drove these two men to stand up for their tiny, impoverished country. It was neither sexual nor romantic. However, the love differs between the two men. Korda’s love was pride; undying pride for his community and his country. Che’s love was through power and control.
« During a conference with Fidel Castro, he learned that the Cuban leader saw the situation as much more desperate that the US had imagined. ...» Document abstract
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Language : english
international relations
presentation
date published
29/11/2006
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SummaryThrough the process of critical oral history, Robert McNamara has re-evaluated his experience as the Secretary of Defense under the Kennedy and Johnson presidencies. Filmmaker Errol Morris shaped his documentary The Fog of War around eleven lessons from the life of McNamara. The first two lessons are “Empathize with your enemy” and “Rationality will not save us.” They are useful to think about for future foreign policy making, even though they have limits. The contemporary issue of terrorism shows how applicable the lessons are.
In the documentary The Fog of War, Robert McNamara gives a clear definition of empathy: “We must try to put ourselves inside their [our enemies’] skin and look at us through their eyes, just to understand the thoughts that lie behind their decisions and their actions.” Empathy is different from sympathy; it does not imply having feelings, but rather it implies understanding the thoughts and feelings of one’s enemy (Ralph K. White). R. White goes further by stating that decision-makers are wrong when they do not see their opponents’ fear, anger, and longing for peace .
The Cuban Missile Crisis is the best-known case of empathy. In 1962, U.S. foreign policy makers did not trust Khrushchev. On October 26 and 27, the Kennedy administration received two letters from the Soviet leader: first a private letter offering the removal of Soviet missiles in Cuba in exchange for a U.S. promise of non-invasion of Cuba, then a public letter adding the removal of U.S. missiles in Turkey to the deal. Kennedy concluded that the public letter was the official position of USSR. He felt that the Soviets were likely to attack the U.S. missiles in Turkey if they were not satisfied by the American response. The only member of the ExComm who dared contradicting the President was Llewellyn “Tommy” Thompson, former U.S. Ambassador to Moscow. Thompson, who had lived close to Khrushchev in Moscow, perceived that the Soviet leader was willing to avoid a conflict. He said to Kennedy: “The important thing for Khrushchev, it seems to me, is to be able to say: ‘I saved Cuba. I stopped an invasion.’” Thompson was right; President Kennedy responded to the private letter, and a nuclear war was avoided. After the crisis, the two countries reached the conclusion that more communication and understanding was necessary; therefore, the Hotline linking the White House with the Kremlin was established in 1963. During a discussion in Cambridge in 1987, Robert McNamara learned that the Soviet missiles had been deployed in Cuba because of the fear of an imminent U.S. invasion of Cuba. Twenty-five years later, it was still hard for the former Soviet decision-makers to believe that the United States had no plan to invade Cuba after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. The Soviets, as well as the Americans, had failed to occupy their enemy’s mindset.
In the documentary The Fog of War, Robert McNamara gives a clear definition of empathy: “We must try to put ourselves inside their [our enemies’] skin and look at us through their eyes, just to understand the thoughts that lie behind their decisions and their actions.” Empathy is different from sympathy; it does not imply having feelings, but rather it implies understanding the thoughts and feelings of one’s enemy (Ralph K. White). R. White goes further by stating that decision-makers are wrong when they do not see their opponents’ fear, anger, and longing for peace .
The Cuban Missile Crisis is the best-known case of empathy. In 1962, U.S. foreign policy makers did not trust Khrushchev. On October 26 and 27, the Kennedy administration received two letters from the Soviet leader: first a private letter offering the removal of Soviet missiles in Cuba in exchange for a U.S. promise of non-invasion of Cuba, then a public letter adding the removal of U.S. missiles in Turkey to the deal. Kennedy concluded that the public letter was the official position of USSR. He felt that the Soviets were likely to attack the U.S. missiles in Turkey if they were not satisfied by the American response. The only member of the ExComm who dared contradicting the President was Llewellyn “Tommy” Thompson, former U.S. Ambassador to Moscow. Thompson, who had lived close to Khrushchev in Moscow, perceived that the Soviet leader was willing to avoid a conflict. He said to Kennedy: “The important thing for Khrushchev, it seems to me, is to be able to say: ‘I saved Cuba. I stopped an invasion.’” Thompson was right; President Kennedy responded to the private letter, and a nuclear war was avoided. After the crisis, the two countries reached the conclusion that more communication and understanding was necessary; therefore, the Hotline linking the White House with the Kremlin was established in 1963. During a discussion in Cambridge in 1987, Robert McNamara learned that the Soviet missiles had been deployed in Cuba because of the fear of an imminent U.S. invasion of Cuba. Twenty-five years later, it was still hard for the former Soviet decision-makers to believe that the United States had no plan to invade Cuba after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. The Soviets, as well as the Americans, had failed to occupy their enemy’s mindset.
Table of Contents- Lesson One: 'Empathize with Your Enemy?
- Lesson Two: 'Rationality Will Not Save Us?
- Contemporary Foreign Policy Issue: Terrorism
« responsible. He mentions leaders such as Richard Nixon, Josef Stalin, John F. Kennedy, the Ayatollah, and Fidel Castro. These are ...» Document abstract
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Language : english
history 1789 to present
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date published
16/05/2008
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SummaryMusic serves as a reflection of a society. When a society is prospering, the music is noticeably happier, such as the Big Band phenomenon in the roaring 20’s. The same principle applies to a society going through rough times, such as jazz during the years of the Great Depression. The Cold War Years in America were filled with fear and tension. The two superpowers of the world, the United States and the U.S.S.R., were in a rivalry of epic proportions. This paper will explore how popular music during the Cold War mirrored the fears and anxieties of the American public by exploring and analyzing the songs of various influential artists, including Billy Joel, Prince, the Beatles, and Nena.
Table of Contents- Billy Joel wrote a revolutionary song at this time of enormous unrest.
- Continuing his recital of the history of the Cold War, Joel keeps naming those responsible.
- Another song written during the uncertain times of the Cold War was 'Back In the USSR,' by the Beatles.
- 99 Red Balloons by Nena was a song about a tragic scenario.
- When the Cold War ended with the collapse of Soviet Union in 1991, the music of the time changed drastically.
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