« the input and involvement of NGOs. Conclusion. Is the United Nations an effective organisation? The United Nations is not the first ...» Document abstract
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3 word format
Language : english
international relations
school essay
date published
25/04/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 36 times
SummaryThe United Nations is not the first international organisation to be established to help settle conflict peacefully and to prevent future conflicts from arising. In 1899, the Hague Convention for the Settlement of International Disputes was established. “The conference was convened at the initiative of Czar Nicolas II of Russia "with the object of seeking the most objective means of ensuring to all peoples the benefits of a real and lasting peace, and above all, of limiting the progressive development of existing armaments."”1. “The Hague Convention set up the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which was the first global mechanism for the settlement of inter-state disputes”1. There was also the League of Nations established in 1919 by Woodrow Wilson. However, these organisations proved to be ineffective due to a lack of credibility and legitimacy. Therefore, I shall look at the United Nations’ effectiveness as a system by looking at what is has done so far, and by examining just how legitimate and credible it really is.
Table of Contents- The United Nations is not the first international organisation to be established to help settle conflict peacefully
- The United Nations was established in the aftermath of World War II to help stabilise international relations
- Another way of looking at the effectiveness of the United Nations
- The formation of the Security Council is also a point of contention
- The United Nations is a label that people associate with a sense of reassurance
- Another reason why the United Nations seems to be losing legitimacy is because of its failure to do anything
- Lastly, the United Nations claims to be fair and looks legitimate with the input and involvement of NGOs
- Conclusion
To what extent is the clausewitzian account of war a political instrument relevant in the twenty-first century ?
« can serve as an effective instrument of namely to rout the Palestinian Liberation Organisation. deemed unacceptable - indeed, the United Nations Charter states ...» Document abstract
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5 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
28/01/2005
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 44 times
Summary Clausewitz's description of war as a means to an end or, to use his own formulation, “the continuation of politics by other means”, must be interpreted against the contemporary intellectual background: the majority of enlightenment writers had regarded war as an aberration, an interruption of political intercourse, the point where human reason came to an end . This view can be said to have influenced the actual conduct of war in as much as most eighteenth-century commanders tried to make war in a cautious, “civilised” manner while minimising the damage to the environment . Thus, when Clausewitz insisted that war was simply one of the forms taken on by political intercourse, that it was a language of politics that should be formulated on the basis of carefully assessed cost-benefit analysis, he was making a new and important point.
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Table of Contents- War can to a lesser and lesser degree be waged on behalf of a strictly trinitarian state structure
- Twenty-first century war will be more impulsive, blind, habitual, and desperate than purposive, intelligent, and rational. That mades Clausewits's rational theory of war irrelevant.
« is brilliantly represented at the United Nations and at one in which states are united (. by determination system today is the most effective at generating ...» Document abstract
$5.95
6 word format
Language : english
international relations
presentation
date published
24/04/2002
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 32 times
Summary Bull's The Anarchical Society is a ground-breaking book that proposes novel, powerful concepts for reading today's world order as well as the order that prevailed in the world in 1977. Today more than ever, we need the idea of international society, even if it has to be revisited to fit the realities of the 21st century
Table of Contents- International society as the idea-force
- Is Bull a realist or a universalist'
- Where does anarchy fit in'
- First critique: a weak link between international system and international society
- Second critique: the importance of diplomacy
- The impact of globalisation: toward a more unified international society'
- International society strikes back: the enduring relevance of Bull's ideas
Les internautes ont également acheté Was the Macmillan government’s decision to apply for membership of the European Communities the product of Britain’s declining global status?
« Article 23 of the United Nations Charter which specifically directed against the United Kingdom, may formal (or nominal) sovereignty, effective sovereignty and ...» Document abstract
$5.95
6 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
02/04/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 1 times
SummaryThe fear that Britain would become, as Labour’s post-war Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin put it “just another European country” , was one of the main reasons to explain the British refusal to join a European supranational organisation. The Attlee government was indeed in favour of cooperation amongst Western European countries but did not want to be one of them . The view of the Foreign Office was that “Great Britain must be viewed as a world power of the second rank and not merely as a unit as a federated Europe” . In fact, in 1945, Britain was in a mood of triumph. It had won the war and was relatively intact. It was the only European country to have successfully defied Hitler for more than five years. It considered itself a great power, the centre of a Commonwealth and Empire covering one-fifth of the globe, and an equal of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. The British media even proudly referred to the United Kingdom as one of the Big Three and this was confirmed by Article 23 of the United Nations Charter which named Britain as one of the five permanent members of the Security Council. This led to a kind of disdain for any special relations with other European countries. The foundation for what would become the European Union was then laid without the UK. However, just four years after its rejection of the 1957 Treaty of Rome, the Macmillan government advanced its first application for membership to the European Economic Community (EEC). There were economic, political and security reasons for explaining this change in policy. The common denominator in these causes can be regarded as linked with a certain decline of Britain’s power in each of these spheres. But to what extent can we speak of Britain’s declining global status? What other reasons can be found?
Table of Contents- The application for membership and the decline of Britain's power
- The Suez Crisis which: its crucial significance on the erosion of relations with the Commonwealth and the USA
- Economical aspects
- Success of the EEC compared to the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): consequences of decolonisation
- Parties' strategies and the change in attitude towards sovereignty
- The situation of post-war Britain and the Britain of the 1960s
« engaged in some international Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) or will in order to be effective, but it built from this - mainly the United Nations and all ...» Document abstract
$9.95
11 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
20/02/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 32 times
SummaryThis essay deals with one of the most controversial questions in today’s social science debates: the relationship between the nation-state and globalisation. Globalisation, understood quite loosely here as a series of contemporary and unprecedented developments in the economic, social and cultural integration of world market and societies – in other words, a general sense of the shortening of distance between here and there, us and the Other – implies a new definition of the field of social relationships, a definition that is much less centred on the national level and takes more account of the global.
In these conditions, the end of the nation-state may be at hand. According to this view, the nation-state, which has been the only entity of international importance since the Westphalia treaties of 1648, is now the subject of increasing strains. It is doomed to lose more and more of its power in the twenty-first century. In the realm of worldwide action and global participation, how can the territorially limited and ideologically outdated nation-state survive ?
One should always be cautious about seemingly-obvious statements, especially on issues of national reach. Lessons from the past show us that the nation-state has flourished from very sturdy roots, roots that have many times proven stronger than the winds of change. Still, some signs, such as the appearance of many new institutions of global governance, cannot be ignored: what scope remains for the state in the new distribution of power brought about by globalisation ?
I will attempt here to show that the most challenging aspect of globalisation for the nation-state is not economic revolution, contrary to common belief. Indeed integration of world markets adds as many opportunities for states as it does bounds to their sovereignty. Globalisation also means new forms of contacts and exchanges between cultures, making people ever more aware of global issues that concern all of humanity. I will argue that it is in this new “global consciousness” that the greatest threats for the sovereignty and legitimacy of nation-states lie, with one crucial question lying in waiting: will future globalisation be up to the challenge of democracy and accountability?
This essay will be structured around two parts. In the first one, I will tackle the still burning debate of economic globalisation and the fate of the nation-states, taking sides with those who do not want to proclaim the end of the nation-state too soon. In the second part, I will concentrate on more political and social issues, attempting in a few words to show that globalisation requires new forms of democracy that may prove a big challenge to contemporary political organisations.
In these conditions, the end of the nation-state may be at hand. According to this view, the nation-state, which has been the only entity of international importance since the Westphalia treaties of 1648, is now the subject of increasing strains. It is doomed to lose more and more of its power in the twenty-first century. In the realm of worldwide action and global participation, how can the territorially limited and ideologically outdated nation-state survive ?
One should always be cautious about seemingly-obvious statements, especially on issues of national reach. Lessons from the past show us that the nation-state has flourished from very sturdy roots, roots that have many times proven stronger than the winds of change. Still, some signs, such as the appearance of many new institutions of global governance, cannot be ignored: what scope remains for the state in the new distribution of power brought about by globalisation ?
I will attempt here to show that the most challenging aspect of globalisation for the nation-state is not economic revolution, contrary to common belief. Indeed integration of world markets adds as many opportunities for states as it does bounds to their sovereignty. Globalisation also means new forms of contacts and exchanges between cultures, making people ever more aware of global issues that concern all of humanity. I will argue that it is in this new “global consciousness” that the greatest threats for the sovereignty and legitimacy of nation-states lie, with one crucial question lying in waiting: will future globalisation be up to the challenge of democracy and accountability?
This essay will be structured around two parts. In the first one, I will tackle the still burning debate of economic globalisation and the fate of the nation-states, taking sides with those who do not want to proclaim the end of the nation-state too soon. In the second part, I will concentrate on more political and social issues, attempting in a few words to show that globalisation requires new forms of democracy that may prove a big challenge to contemporary political organisations.
Table of Contents- Economic Globalisation and the Role of the State
- Social globalisation and new forms of democracy
« EU loses a landmark sugar case at the WTO », by SAPA-AP & Blomberg, business Report, 29 April 2005
« applied to the border without effective limitations of against rich ones (European Union, United States) and were imposed by the powerful nations, now it ...» Document abstract
$8.95
9 word format
Language : english
management
presentation
date published
21/11/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 6 times
SummaryThe trade of agricultural products is increasing a lot all over the world. In many countries (mainly the poorest ones), agriculture is the dominant sector of the economy and plays a very important role. To control the trade of agricultural products and to limit unfair practices, international negotiations have been set up for years. After the creation of the World Trade Organisation, the Agreement on Agriculture had been firmed, setting many rules on that market. The main objective of that agreement is to limit domestic support, export subsidies and to give a better access to market. In 2002, European Union was accused by Brazil (followed by Australia and Thailand) of not following these rules on the sugar market. Indeed, European Union promotes its own products thanks to subsidies, which distorts the market. The WTO concludes that European Union is in violation with the Agreement on Agriculture and has to stop those practices before 2007. If not, sanctions will be taken against European Union.
Table of Contents- The agricultural industry.
- The trade of agricultural products.
- Commercial policies before the institution of the World Trade Organisation.
- Agricultural negotiations of the Uruguay round.
- The agreement on agriculture.
- Sugar case.
- The complaint.
- WTO reactions.
- Consequences.
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