«Comparison of Philosophy, Ideology and Theory.. Ideology and Theory Philosophy, ideology, and theory are terms mentioned frequently in academic discussions. ...» Document abstract
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educational studies
presentation
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18/04/2008
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Comparison of Philosophy. Ideology and Theory
Philosophy, ideology, and theory are terms mentioned frequently in academic discussions. Their meanings are so intertwined, however, that one can easily confuse what term belongs in which context. In this paper, I will discuss the meanings of these terms, and how they relate and differ from one another.
Philosophy, ideology, and theory are terms mentioned frequently in academic discussions. Their meanings are so intertwined, however, that one can easily confuse what term belongs in which context. In this paper, I will discuss the meanings of these terms, and how they relate and differ from one another.
- Comparison of Philosophy, Ideology and Theory.
- Metaphysics is concerned with the nature of the ultimate reality.
- Studying theories of education.
- Teachers' Code of Ethics.
- Ideologies are used to create solidarity within a group.
- Ultimately, education is a process which helps the future generations develop.
« order to be examined as an ideology in general From the perspective of just-war theory, the intrinsicalist criticized the Dalai Lama's pacifist philosophy as an ...» Document abstract
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humanities/philosophy
presentation
date published
02/10/2007
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War is a situation that embodies the principle of duality: one side is pitted against another in an an act of violence intended to compel an opponent to fulfill our will . That will, whatever it may be, has its root in a political object that is determined within ideological constraints. This pattern is corroborated by conclusions determined by other human endeavors. Psychologically speaking, perception precedes action; philosophically, ontology precedes ethics, and politically, ideology precedes war. As the soldier-cum-philosopher of war Clausewitz muses, Is not War merely another kind of writing and language for political thoughts? .
- However, neither militarism nor pacifism describe monolithic entities; both terms connote sets of ideologies under which many subsets exist
- Both pacifism and eschatological militarism assume religious significance within a political context
- In order to be examined as an ideology in general, it is useful to first divorce pacifism from any specific religious formulations, and analyze it in its ideal philosophical form.
- The Fourteenth Dalai Lama, exiled religious and political leader of Tibet, explains that According to Buddhist psychology, most of our troubles are due to our passionate desire for and attachment to things that we misapprehend as enduring entities
- In reaction to the brutal occupation that followed, armed elements of the Tibetan population were actually trained by the CIA, which hoped to use the Tibetan cause to fight against Communist China.
- If pacifism has failed in the example of Tibet, it has much to do with Phillips' critique of pacifism as a means of engaging in conflict.
- The history of religious pacifisms does not end with the ideally pacifist example of Buddhism.
- The pacifist impulse thus exists at the root of both Eastern and Western faiths
Contrast and compare the political ideology, support base and political strategy of the Pakistani Jamaat-i-Islami and the Iranian Islamic Revolution
« of the Khomeinist ideology, the theory of the 7-18; and particularly for Khomeini's ideology, see: E M. Foucault, Politics, Philosophy, Culture: Interviews and ...» Document abstract
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political science
presentation
date published
12/07/2006
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level : Expert
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The events of this beginning of century have shown the resistance and the diversity of an Islamism, which certain had already buried.
According to Bobby S. Sayyid, Islamism is a discourse that attempts to centre Islam within the political order. Islamism can range from the assertion of a Muslim subjectivity to full-blooded attempt to reconstruct society on Islamic principles, and Islamists are people who use the language of Islamic metaphors to think through their political destinies, those who see in Islam their political future. Thus, Islamism is not an essence, but a discursive construction of reality. Consequently, understanding Islamism means necessary taking account of the ideologies, programmes and practices of the various groups, which claim that Islam is a comprehensive view of the world. Islamism is what Islamists make - and said - of it. That is why the category of Islamism can only be understood through an examination of the differences and similarities between its main groups.
Thus, the purpose of this essay is to compare the political theories, social support and politics of two of the major radical Islamic movements: the Pakistani Jamaat-i-Islami (the Jamaat) and the Iranian Islamic Revolution (the IR).
The Jamaat and the IR explained the need for the setting of an Islamic state and proposed to lead this process with popular support. Consequently, these movements encompass abstract explanations and positive actions, which are interrelated in such a manner that one cannot be comprehended without the other. That is why we will contrast successively the theoretical logics (I) and the socio-political dynamics (II) of the Jamaat and the Iranian Revolution
According to Bobby S. Sayyid, Islamism is a discourse that attempts to centre Islam within the political order. Islamism can range from the assertion of a Muslim subjectivity to full-blooded attempt to reconstruct society on Islamic principles, and Islamists are people who use the language of Islamic metaphors to think through their political destinies, those who see in Islam their political future. Thus, Islamism is not an essence, but a discursive construction of reality. Consequently, understanding Islamism means necessary taking account of the ideologies, programmes and practices of the various groups, which claim that Islam is a comprehensive view of the world. Islamism is what Islamists make - and said - of it. That is why the category of Islamism can only be understood through an examination of the differences and similarities between its main groups.
Thus, the purpose of this essay is to compare the political theories, social support and politics of two of the major radical Islamic movements: the Pakistani Jamaat-i-Islami (the Jamaat) and the Iranian Islamic Revolution (the IR).
The Jamaat and the IR explained the need for the setting of an Islamic state and proposed to lead this process with popular support. Consequently, these movements encompass abstract explanations and positive actions, which are interrelated in such a manner that one cannot be comprehended without the other. That is why we will contrast successively the theoretical logics (I) and the socio-political dynamics (II) of the Jamaat and the Iranian Revolution
- Comparing the theories: the Jamaat and the Iranian Revolution' thoughts
- Islamism as a common Muslim subjectivity: Islam as a centre and the West as a rejected other
- Differences in the transition to the Islamic state: disagreements about the means, quarrels about the men
- Confronting the practices: the Jamaat and the Iranian Revolution in action
- Differing social supports' mobilization: the pious bourgeoisie and lower-middle strata's party and the 'catch-it-all' movement
- Antagonist political strategies: participation and pressure against hegemony and repression
« was consequently successful in exporting his philosophy as well the development of his economic ideology was the in great detail, Cabral's theory of socialist ...» Document abstract
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history 1789 to present
presentation
date published
19/02/2008
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level : Advanced
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Amilcar Cabral lived as both an intellectual who derived theories of political economy and as an activist dedicated to the unification of a nationalist movement in Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea Bissau). This balance between theoretician and activist in combination with his abilities as a leader to unite and inspire the rural peasantry accounted for his success in organizing the masses to fight for independence. Specifically, he applied analyses of African socialism and national liberation to Portuguese colonial practices and sought to liberate colonial subjects through an understanding of such principles, in addition to uniting them under a functional political party.
Until his assassination in January of 1973, Amilcar Cabral dedicated his life to the study of revolution. Throughout his career, particularly as the leader of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC), he successfully launched a cohesive Nationalist movement against Portuguese rule and is consequently viewed as an architect of the revolution. His approach to uniting the masses was both pragmatic and meticulous: he appealed to individuals at a grass roots level attracting attention on an emotional and rational level and was consequently successful in exporting his philosophy as well as his call to action
Until his assassination in January of 1973, Amilcar Cabral dedicated his life to the study of revolution. Throughout his career, particularly as the leader of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC), he successfully launched a cohesive Nationalist movement against Portuguese rule and is consequently viewed as an architect of the revolution. His approach to uniting the masses was both pragmatic and meticulous: he appealed to individuals at a grass roots level attracting attention on an emotional and rational level and was consequently successful in exporting his philosophy as well as his call to action
- Until his assassination in January of 1973, Amilcar Cabral dedicated his life to the study of revolution.
- As an adult, Cabral included in his liberation theory significant economic components unique to Guinea Bissau.
- The cornerstone of Cabral's revolutionary theory was his belief in national liberation.
- Also central to Cabral's argument was his belief in the power of unity to overcome political domination.
- Cabral highlighted the differences between the Fula and Balante.
- Cabral's legacy is conveyed specifically through the Mortu Nega, the 1988 film by Flora Gomes.
- Cabral stated remained committed to protecting the areas over which it had gained control.
- In Guinea, Sekou Ture similarly mobilized differing ethnic groups to create nationhood.
« substantiated. . Looking first at the ideology of consequentialist moral theory, Shaw and Barry (2005) make the following observation. If ...» Document abstract
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humanities/philosophy
presentation
date published
15/06/2008
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level : General public
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The process of syllogistic decision-making is predicated on the conclusions that can be drawn from presenting two or more pieces of evidence. In its most rudimentary form the process of syllogistic decision-making follows the following pattern: a = b and b = c, therefore a = c. If the context of syllogistic decision-making, the conclusions that can be drawn are simplistic in nature as they allow a logical progression of the specific information that is presented. In the example provided above the conclusion drawn is that a equals c. This conclusion is drawn based on the information provided which shows that b is equal to both a and c. Although this method of provides a logical and rational means for decision making, there have been notable examples that demonstrate the problems that can arise when syllogistic decision-making models are used absolutely for making decisions.
- With the basic context of syllogistic decision-making elucidated, it is now possible to consider the various elements of a moral argument and the functions of each within the context of this process of decision-making.
- What is perhaps most interesting about the moral judgment that is provided in the context of the syllogistic decision-making process is that it does not always accurately produce a defensible conclusion.
- Examining first the arguments that have been made in support of abortion, it is evident that scientific discourse has served as the basis for establishing the woman's right to choose.
- When examined in this context, it becomes evident that scientific data which definitively proves a specific moral argument carries more weight than a proposed hypothesis that is predicated upon data that cannot be substantiated.
- Looking first at the ideology of consequentialist moral theory, Shaw and Barry (2005) make the following observation
- If the nonconsequentialist approach to moral decision-making has been utilized, the argument used to oppose abortion would have taken precedence over the consequentialist approach.
- Placing this moral theory into the consequentialist/nonconsequentialist framework, the decisions that are made in the egoism framework are clearly those that are predicated on the outcomes of the decision made.
- Finally, considering the libertarian approach to moral decision-making, it is also possible to examine this moral theory in the context of the consequentialist/nonconsequentialist framework.
« not able to successfully grow and cultivate this ideology. Burke may find that putting theory into practice quite evident that the specific philosophy of the ...» Document abstract
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social sciences
presentation
date published
12/06/2008
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Introduction
John Francis Burke (2004) in his text Mestizo Democracy argues that as the diversity of the United States increases, changes will occur in the context of democracy. In particular, this author contends that as cultural diversity increases in the United States, the rise of a mestizo democracy will occur. Although the term mestizo means mixture Burke does not see the assimilation of cultures; rather what Burke envisions is a democracy in which the cultural identities of each group are brought together in a symbiotic manner that works toward the development of the greater good. While Burkes conceptualization of the mestizo democracy appears to provide a novel approach to the development of democracy, it is evident that the key elements of mestizo democracy that Burke identifies appear to be commensurate with the idealistic conceptualizations of democracy developed by many of the Founding Fathers. As such, the development of a mestizo democracy in many respects represents the culmination of the republic that the Founding Fathers saw as essential for maintaining equitable social discourse.
With the realization that Burkes mestizo democracy has many elements that represent the idealistic intentions of the Founding Fathers, it is important to consider what Burke writes in the context of the basic ideologies of the Founding Fathers
John Francis Burke (2004) in his text Mestizo Democracy argues that as the diversity of the United States increases, changes will occur in the context of democracy. In particular, this author contends that as cultural diversity increases in the United States, the rise of a mestizo democracy will occur. Although the term mestizo means mixture Burke does not see the assimilation of cultures; rather what Burke envisions is a democracy in which the cultural identities of each group are brought together in a symbiotic manner that works toward the development of the greater good. While Burkes conceptualization of the mestizo democracy appears to provide a novel approach to the development of democracy, it is evident that the key elements of mestizo democracy that Burke identifies appear to be commensurate with the idealistic conceptualizations of democracy developed by many of the Founding Fathers. As such, the development of a mestizo democracy in many respects represents the culmination of the republic that the Founding Fathers saw as essential for maintaining equitable social discourse.
With the realization that Burkes mestizo democracy has many elements that represent the idealistic intentions of the Founding Fathers, it is important to consider what Burke writes in the context of the basic ideologies of the Founding Fathers
- Introduction
- Burke's Ideas
- The Extended Republic
- Egalitarian Ideologies
- Summary of the Data
- Conclusion
« on men, and decided that if feminism was the theory, lesbianism should be assemblies in the name of all things female, with philosophy and ideology at the ...» Document abstract
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social sciences
school essay
date published
19/10/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
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On June 28, 1998, Ally McBeal graced the cover of Time magazine; not in the name of television or Hollywood or fashion, but in the name of feminism. According to The American Century Dictionary, feminism is the advocacy of womens rights and sexual equality. So how does an upper-class woman who complains about her weight and puts dating before all else qualify as a feminist? Simple: in the misdirected world of the modern womens movement, Ally McBeal is as much an icon of feminism as the women who shared the cover with her, women like Susan B. Anthony and Betty Friedan, two of the most celebrated founding mothers of feminism. The prior successes of the movement have been overshadowed by these new, ludicrous ideals and haphazard ventures into the mainstream media. Feminism, which at is core strives for a higher quality of life, is one of the main opponents of progress in the United States. As necessary as the feminism was in the past, its continuing presence is completely counterproductive in todays society.
- Introduction
- Feminism as a successful philosophy
- First wave feminism and the right to vote
- Second wave feminism for equality in the work force
- Second wave feminism for equality in education
- Third wave feminism for women's choice
- Feminism as an unsuccessful philosophy
- Backfire of feminism's successes
- Reasons behind the backfire of feminism's success
- Feminism as an untruthful philosophy
- Feminism as an anti-family philosophy
- Feminism as an anti-gay philosophy
- Lesbians a threat to feminist movement
- Feminists a threat to lesbian movement
- Lesbianism assumed to be a feminist tool
- Feminism as an exploited philosophy
- Feminism in music
- Feminism in television and theater
- Feminism in pornography
- Conclusion
« life were Herbert Marcus, a philosophy professor and The core ideology for the Youth International Party appeared in Hegel's Ontology and Theory of Historicity. ...» Document abstract
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political science
presentation
date published
24/06/2008
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level : General public
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When the culture was based on rebelling against the very culture that we are seeking to explain. Attempting to understand the culture of the Vietnam era will only lead you in a circle of contradictions and ever changing ideals. In part, due to the fact that there was no dominate overlaying culture at that time, but rather fragments and social factions which often held ideals that challenged other groups. How can we describe a culture that contradicts itself? We must simplify it. The culture of the 1960s is too much of an endeavor to decipher by looking at it in entirety so we must break into down and then break it down again, until we are left with nothing but the elemental bases from which the culture was formed. But what are these cultural elementals? How will we know that we have found one, and not just another cultural compound that needs to be broken down once more? We will know we have reached the foundation, the basic building blocks of the 1960s culture, when we come to something that is no longer filled with riddled with internal conflict that is no longer plagued by illogical contradictions.
- How can one explain the culture of 60s?
- Abbie's mind, what influenced him, what motivated him, what made him tick.
- Abbie didn't go to college to understand the laws of physics or business principles.
- One of the two key components to the cultural revolution.
- By creating an environment where people's basic needs could be satisfied.
- As it becomes ever more apparent that Vietnam is over Abbie slowly begins to fade into the shadows.
Zen Buddhism and Western Culture: How its practices affect its culture and are mirrored in many Western ideas
« In contrast, Western ideology is less dependent on Hegel's philosophy then influenced the likes of political inception of Zen practices and theory (in spite of ...» Document abstract
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social sciences
presentation
date published
19/02/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
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There has always been a fascination with the contrast between Eastern and Western philosophies, culture and ideas. And nowhere is this fact more prominent than in religion and religious practices. More specifically, the Asian religion of Buddhism, though seeing its tenets blossom through Western culture at times, is in a variety of ways significantly different than most Western religions. These differences are expressed in the worldviews that as a philosophy of the macro and microcosm of human experience represent a rather distinct sentiment. Naturally these worldviews are rooted in its parent religion Hinduism. As such, Buddhism, with its many sects, has one which is of interest here; that is Zen Buddhism. This unique approach to Buddhas philosophy and religious practices, with its paradoxical koans and meditations, is an abrupt abasement to the Western cultural tradition of theorizing and appeals to formal logic. However, in spite of these contrarieties, the two apparent opposed perspectives reserve a more profound set of questions which both puzzle and probe the Zen teacher and Western thinker. In this paper, we will examine the effects that debates within Zen Buddhism and Western philosophy and religion have had on their respective cultures with particular attention paid to how Zen principles are derived from the more basic principles of Buddhism.
- Zen Buddhism is of the Mahayana branch.
- In so much as this approach developed as a clarification of some obscure doctrines found in basic Buddhism
- Dogen, and latter students of the school, would be introduced to a series of dilemmas.
- As one can see, the Sotoist dilemma of received and interactive dharma can be said to demonstrate similarities to our own dilemmas in the West.
- The unresolved dilemmas present in Zen Buddhism in regards to its paradoxical practices.
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