« Tax Reform Tax reform and the US budget go hand in hand. While many people seek a tax reform, they must understand that the most ...» Document abstract
$1.95
2 word format
Language : english
finance
school essay
date published
12/09/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 3 times
SummaryTax reform and the US budget go hand in hand. While many people seek a tax reform, they must understand that the most significant factor in determining the types and amounts of taxes that are to be paid is the US budget. Typically, it would be expected that if a budget is in the red, taxation would inevitably be a consequence. The following discusses the downfalls of balancing the US budget and its affects on taxation.
Table of Contents- Attempts to balance the budget may cause a sudden recession, increasing unemployment and decreasing consumption
- Another side effect of balancing the budget is the amplification of the business cycle causing more economic downturn.
- It is imperative to understand that suppressing the natural flow of any system will only lead to chaotic behavior
- Taxation is always directly correlated with the budget and its progression. Balancing the budget would create more problems than it would solve
- Earnings and Discrimination
- Although there is usually less discrimination in markets which are competitive, discrimination will persist in the markets if customers of the firms or business are willing to pay more on the basis of race or gender
« This was achieved by four of his major reforms: army reform, tax reform, central and local government reform, and church reform. ...» Document abstract
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2 word format
Language : english
history 500-1789
school essay
date published
17/12/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 2 times
SummaryIt is acknowledged that under the rule of Peter I Russia have turned itself into a powerful nation. By what is a powerful nation? If we would generalize the knowledge we have about the different powerful states in history, we would probably discover that the powerful state should satisfy to the following two conditions: it should have its opinions respected among other nations, and it should have its laws enforced on its territory. In order for the first condition to be satisfied, the state should have a forceful army, which is provided with all the supplies it might need during its military activity. The second condition can be satisfied with having a strong central and local government. The significance of Peter I’s reign in Russia is that he became a tsar in the country, which was weak in both international and domestic arena, and left a powerful nation to his successors. This was achieved by four of his major reforms: army reform, tax reform, central and local government reform, and church reform. The first two were aimed at building the strong army, and the latter two were designed for strengthening the Russian government.
« marijuana. In the meantime they are for a new tax reform, which would follow the example a similar reform made in Slovakia. The ...» Document abstract
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11 word format
Language : english
international relations
presentation
date published
20/09/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 4 times
SummaryThe Czech and the Slovak nations had a similar history for more than a century, and the attempt to coexist in just one common state definitely failed in autumn 1992, when the Czech Prime Minister Václav Klaus and the leader of the main Slovak party HZDS, Vladimír Meèiar, came to the conclusion that the break-up of the integrated republic would be the best solution to the long-time internal problems. Consequently, on the 1st January 1993 two different countries emerged: the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic.
Today, both of the Republics are members both of NATO and the EU; nevertheless the evolution of the former sibling countries has been slightly different. The Czech Republic’s passage from the period of 40 years of subordination to the USSR into a functional democracy was less painful than the one Slovakia had to go through. The Czechs became members of NATO in 1999, whereas the Slovaks were not incorporated in the first wave of enhancement. Later on, when the negotiation process for the admission of the Czech and Slovak Republics to EU grew near to its end, Slovakia confronted various problems which led to discussions about its preparedness. But finally, both of the countries became members of the EU on the 1st May 2004 during the first wave of enlargement.
When taking into consideration the fact that the two countries had a common past and that they have gone through a long process of self-determination, we may suppose that the evolution of the political positioning of the two countries would also be similar. In spite of all this, we may find today two rather different systems of political culture, of party divisions and also of political struggle in the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic. Today, when talking about the further European enlargement and more about the possible admission of Turkey in the future, the two countries and their respective political parties have distinct points of view. From what is said below it may be possible to conclude that the Czech Republic had a more positive point of view about the European Union and it was more keen on entering it, whereas Slovakia stuck to its long-established good relationships with the USA and orientated its foreign politics rather to the Anglo-Saxon world. Meanwhile it is clear that after entering the EU, both of the former members of Czechoslovakia, who are now independent countries, must have expressed their opinion about the boundaries of the new allied Europe, about the further enlargement, and of course also about the question of Turkey. And surprisingly these opinions have not turned out to as different as expected in the two countries.
Consequently several questions as to why this significant division has happened may emerge: are the systems of political parties already divided by definition (because of different political background, socio-cultural beliefs or values); are there the same differences of opinion regarding the attitude to the EU and also Turkey in the Czech and in the Slovak Republic, or may we also note any internal differences between the two party systems?
Today, both of the Republics are members both of NATO and the EU; nevertheless the evolution of the former sibling countries has been slightly different. The Czech Republic’s passage from the period of 40 years of subordination to the USSR into a functional democracy was less painful than the one Slovakia had to go through. The Czechs became members of NATO in 1999, whereas the Slovaks were not incorporated in the first wave of enhancement. Later on, when the negotiation process for the admission of the Czech and Slovak Republics to EU grew near to its end, Slovakia confronted various problems which led to discussions about its preparedness. But finally, both of the countries became members of the EU on the 1st May 2004 during the first wave of enlargement.
When taking into consideration the fact that the two countries had a common past and that they have gone through a long process of self-determination, we may suppose that the evolution of the political positioning of the two countries would also be similar. In spite of all this, we may find today two rather different systems of political culture, of party divisions and also of political struggle in the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic. Today, when talking about the further European enlargement and more about the possible admission of Turkey in the future, the two countries and their respective political parties have distinct points of view. From what is said below it may be possible to conclude that the Czech Republic had a more positive point of view about the European Union and it was more keen on entering it, whereas Slovakia stuck to its long-established good relationships with the USA and orientated its foreign politics rather to the Anglo-Saxon world. Meanwhile it is clear that after entering the EU, both of the former members of Czechoslovakia, who are now independent countries, must have expressed their opinion about the boundaries of the new allied Europe, about the further enlargement, and of course also about the question of Turkey. And surprisingly these opinions have not turned out to as different as expected in the two countries.
Consequently several questions as to why this significant division has happened may emerge: are the systems of political parties already divided by definition (because of different political background, socio-cultural beliefs or values); are there the same differences of opinion regarding the attitude to the EU and also Turkey in the Czech and in the Slovak Republic, or may we also note any internal differences between the two party systems?
Table of Contents- Political systems: parties and their main ideas.
- The case of the Czech Republic.
- The case of the Slovak Republic.
- Party position regarding the EU and its further enlargement.
- The case of the Czech Republic.
- The case of the Slovak Republic.
- Reason for the party positioning.
« The other recommendations were: a tax reform (to lower marginal rates and broaden the tax base), interest rate liberalization, a competitive exchange rate ...» Document abstract
$9.95
10 word format
Language : english
economics
presentation
date published
29/08/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 7 times
Summary“The Washington Consensus has been dead for years,” said the World Bank President James D. Wolfensohn at the opening of a conference on ‘Scaling up Poverty Reduction’ in Shanghai on 25 May, 2004. “It’s been replaced by all sorts of other consensuses. But today we’re approaching our discussions with no consensuses,” he added. More surprising than the content of the message is the messenger. Indeed the Washington Consensus has been the core of many debates and a controversial subject for a few years. So the fact that, once again, it can be condemned is not that surprising. Yet the fact that the President of the World Bank himself declares the death of the Washington Consensus is much more remarkable. In fact, this is what gives value to this declaration. The implications are twofold: first, it means that he acknowledges that the Washington Consensus did exist, and more, that it is no longer significant. However it seems that the current situation is less obvious than James Wolfensohn presumes. Obviously this particular way of thinking about the development has been more and more criticized over the past few years. Its failures have been more and more apparent. Its functioning has been denounced in reference to its lack of transparency, but also its lack of legitimacy. Its whole philosophy has been less and less accepted by a range of actors as broad as NGO’s, citizens’ movements in the developing world and even some people in developed countries. Yet, at the same time, the Washington Consensus has not fully disappeared and its death cannot be completely proclaimed. Indeed, some evidence shows that its end is relative since some of its policies are still inspired by the recommendations of the IMF and the World Bank and that these representative institutions are still strong and dominant.
What is the situation now? Are we facing a post Washington Consensus area? Or are we still under the neo-liberal domination? What evidence could make us understand the current state of the development policies? To what extent is the Washington Consensus dead?
In order to better understand this controversy, I will first describe the origins and the principles of the Washington Consensus. Next, I will present the evidence that demonstrates the disbanding of this way of thinking and what could possibly be the new paradigm in terms of development policies. I will finally present some limitations that illustrate the continued existence of the Washington Consensus.
What is the situation now? Are we facing a post Washington Consensus area? Or are we still under the neo-liberal domination? What evidence could make us understand the current state of the development policies? To what extent is the Washington Consensus dead?
In order to better understand this controversy, I will first describe the origins and the principles of the Washington Consensus. Next, I will present the evidence that demonstrates the disbanding of this way of thinking and what could possibly be the new paradigm in terms of development policies. I will finally present some limitations that illustrate the continued existence of the Washington Consensus.
Table of Contents- The reign of the Washington Consensus.
- The manifestations of the post neo-liberal era.
- The principles of the `Post Washington Consensus` and its limitations.
« Let's consider some examples: In the United States due to the tax reform of 1986 companies could profit for at least a short period from the equalized tax ...» Document abstract
$9.95
23 word format
Language : english
finance
presentation
date published
11/07/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 32 times
SummaryDividend policy is one of the most important financial policies, not only form the viewpoint of the company, but also from that of the shareholders, the consumers, the workers, regulatory bodies and the Government. For a company, it is a pivotal policy around which other financial policies rotate. Value of the corporate securities depends to a great extent on dividend and, therefore, in deciding upon the financial structure of a company, dividend has to be assigned due consideration.
Once a company makes a profit, the board of directors must decide what to do with those profits. They could continue to retain the profits within the company, or they could pay out the profits to the owners of the firm in the form of dividends.
Once a company decides to pay dividends, there should be established a somewhat permanent dividend policy, which would impact on investors and perceptions of the company in the financial markets providing information concerning the firm’s performance. The choice of the appropriate dividend policy depends on the preferences of investors and potential investors as well as on the company’s capital structure and its future plans.
The board of directors holds a fiduciary position both with regard to the company as well as shareholders. The board of directors must combine the three decisions pertaining to investment, financing and dividends simultaneously as these three decisions are interrelated. Dividend policy decision influences the financing decision of the firm through retained earnings. Financing decision would relate to the amount of funds to be raised from external sources as the investment needs of a firm can be fulfilled by a combination of retained earnings and external financing. Therefore, higher the amount of retained earnings, given the investment needs, lower will be the need for external finance and vice-versa.
Once a company makes a profit, the board of directors must decide what to do with those profits. They could continue to retain the profits within the company, or they could pay out the profits to the owners of the firm in the form of dividends.
Once a company decides to pay dividends, there should be established a somewhat permanent dividend policy, which would impact on investors and perceptions of the company in the financial markets providing information concerning the firm’s performance. The choice of the appropriate dividend policy depends on the preferences of investors and potential investors as well as on the company’s capital structure and its future plans.
The board of directors holds a fiduciary position both with regard to the company as well as shareholders. The board of directors must combine the three decisions pertaining to investment, financing and dividends simultaneously as these three decisions are interrelated. Dividend policy decision influences the financing decision of the firm through retained earnings. Financing decision would relate to the amount of funds to be raised from external sources as the investment needs of a firm can be fulfilled by a combination of retained earnings and external financing. Therefore, higher the amount of retained earnings, given the investment needs, lower will be the need for external finance and vice-versa.
Table of Contents- BACKGROUND ON DIVIDENDS & THREE BASIC THEORIES
- Background
- Irrelevance of Dividend Policy
- Tax Preference Theory
- The Bird-in-the-Hand Theory
- DIVIDEND POLICY IN PRACTICE
- Confusion of Empirical Tests & Factors That Influence Dividend Policy
- Setting a Dividend Policy
« The serfs paid for these bonds, on top of the existing poll tax, and the Although the most significant reform, the serf emancipation was not the only important ...» Document abstract
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5 word format
Language : english
history 500-1789
research papers
date published
05/10/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 0 times
SummaryPeter the Great (1689-1725) was the major force that turned Russia away from the old ways of Asiatic Russia, and opened the window to the west. His series of accomplishments as Tsar of Russia began at the dawn of the eighteenth century, with the foundation of St. Petersburg. Constructing both, a fortress and ship building center in this region laid the foundation for Russia’s victory over the Swedish army, thus establishing Russia as one of the great European powers.
Table of Contents- Peter the Great
- Anna Ioannovna
- Catherine the Great
- Alexander I
- Nicholas I
- Alexander II
- Conclusion
« Katinka Barysch, chief economist of the Centre for European Reform, summarizes this point European social model'." The question of social and tax dumping has ...» Document abstract
$9.95
15 word format
Language : english
economics
presentation
date published
21/08/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 14 times
SummaryTwo years ago, the European Union was joined by 10 new members whose 8 were former communist countries (plus Malta and Cyprus). The fifth enlargement has been the most ambitious in the history of the European Union. It was the largest ever in terms of number of countries (10) and population (75 million) acceding to the European Union. It was the most challenging in terms of disparity of wealth. Achieving the politic and economic reunification of Europe 15 years after the fall of the Berlin wall, it was the most symbolic since the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community which had achieved the French-German reconciliation.
Nevertheless, Eurobarometers showed this strongly symbolic enlargement meet a true enthusiasm neither in old members nor in new comers. Instead, the debate between pros and cons has been mainly situated at the economic level. Western Europeans mainly feared that the enlargement would cause industry outsourcing and Eastern workers’ immigration and thus raise unemployment in Western Europe. Many thought that the enlargement would come at a huge cost for the EU budget or would reduce the EU subsidiaries, including the CAP, they benefited from. Have these initial fears been fulfilled? On the other hand, the pros claimed that the enlargement would boost economy in both old and new members and that the European integration would accelerate the catching-up process and thus decrease the risk of outsourcing. What do the trends reveal two years later? In the context of high unemployment and lowest economic growth in Western Europe than outside, the political and symbolic dimension of the fifth enlargement was of little concern.
Although I considered this political and symbolic dimension at least as much important as the economic one, it would be impossible to analyze all the aspects of the 2004 enlargement exhaustively in just 15 pages. This paper is consequently focused only on the economic results of the enlargement (what is still too ambitious in 15 pages!). That can seem to be premature only two years after the enlargement. Of course, it is. Economic results should be studied in the long run. On the other hand, we need to analyze intermediate results and current trends not only to better the economic integration of the 2004 new members but also in the perspective of the next enlargement: the adhesion of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 or 2008.
Has the 2004 enlargement boosted the EU-15’s and/or new member states’ economies? Were Western Europeans’ initial fears justified actually? Has the EU-15 paid the bill for Eastern and Central European economic success?
Nevertheless, Eurobarometers showed this strongly symbolic enlargement meet a true enthusiasm neither in old members nor in new comers. Instead, the debate between pros and cons has been mainly situated at the economic level. Western Europeans mainly feared that the enlargement would cause industry outsourcing and Eastern workers’ immigration and thus raise unemployment in Western Europe. Many thought that the enlargement would come at a huge cost for the EU budget or would reduce the EU subsidiaries, including the CAP, they benefited from. Have these initial fears been fulfilled? On the other hand, the pros claimed that the enlargement would boost economy in both old and new members and that the European integration would accelerate the catching-up process and thus decrease the risk of outsourcing. What do the trends reveal two years later? In the context of high unemployment and lowest economic growth in Western Europe than outside, the political and symbolic dimension of the fifth enlargement was of little concern.
Although I considered this political and symbolic dimension at least as much important as the economic one, it would be impossible to analyze all the aspects of the 2004 enlargement exhaustively in just 15 pages. This paper is consequently focused only on the economic results of the enlargement (what is still too ambitious in 15 pages!). That can seem to be premature only two years after the enlargement. Of course, it is. Economic results should be studied in the long run. On the other hand, we need to analyze intermediate results and current trends not only to better the economic integration of the 2004 new members but also in the perspective of the next enlargement: the adhesion of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 or 2008.
Has the 2004 enlargement boosted the EU-15’s and/or new member states’ economies? Were Western Europeans’ initial fears justified actually? Has the EU-15 paid the bill for Eastern and Central European economic success?
Table of Contents- The challenging fifth enlargement has undeniably boosted new comer's economies.
- The fifth enlargement was a challenge.
- Two years later, an economic success?.
- Has Western Europe paid the bill for eastern and central European economic growth?.
- Western fears were not justified.
- A small impact on the EU's economy and budget.
« will pay the investigators so it adds no more cost to the tax payer. to do which is why he wants the house and senate to pass Comprehensive immigration reform. ...» Document abstract
$1.95
2 word format
Language : english
international law
school essay
date published
12/12/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 0 times
SummaryNo one knows exactly how many illegal immigrants are in this country. Estimates range from 4 to 12 million people. The largest group of undocumented immigrants is Mexicans. Thousands of Mexicans, some with families, cross the border illegally in search of work. Typically an illegal will stay in the United States about six months working a low paying temporary job and then head back to Mexico.
The job of stopping the flow of illegals over the border belongs to the U.S. Border patrol. When illegals are caught, they are not brought to trial, but are usually detained and then bused back to the border. They usually reattempt the journey within days. This is called Catch and release. In the mid 90’s the border patrol was beefed up near high population southern California cities and southern Arizona cities. This had the effect of slowing the tide of illegals but it is not known weather this slow was due to the increased border patrols or the recession of the economy. The events of 9/11 and the resulting War on Terror have brought the illegal immigrant issue to the foreground of many political debates. The USA patriot act of 2001 put the border patrol under the control of the department of homeland security and tripled the budget of the Canadian Border Patrol.
The job of stopping the flow of illegals over the border belongs to the U.S. Border patrol. When illegals are caught, they are not brought to trial, but are usually detained and then bused back to the border. They usually reattempt the journey within days. This is called Catch and release. In the mid 90’s the border patrol was beefed up near high population southern California cities and southern Arizona cities. This had the effect of slowing the tide of illegals but it is not known weather this slow was due to the increased border patrols or the recession of the economy. The events of 9/11 and the resulting War on Terror have brought the illegal immigrant issue to the foreground of many political debates. The USA patriot act of 2001 put the border patrol under the control of the department of homeland security and tripled the budget of the Canadian Border Patrol.
« Johnson was sure that his social programs, including welfare reform, public school In imposing such high tax hikes on corporate individuals, this would then ...» Document abstract
$7.95
8 word format
Language : english
humanities/philosophy
presentation
date published
19/02/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 0 times
SummaryWhen one thinks of the president Lyndon Baines Johnson, typically one associates him with the turbulent period we call the ‘sixties.’ Whether or not his term in office merely coincided with this era is an issue often debated. Nonetheless, his commanding presence has left an indelible mark on history. However, the fact that Johnson served as president during the largest commitment of troops to the Vietnam conflict as well as in sight of the birth of modern welfare and other social programs is not coincidental. His initiatives in these areas were largely due to his views on foreign and domestic policies. More specifically, Lyndon Johnson demonstrated a high idealism in many respects. This attitude that was reflected in his policies truly define Johnson as being firm in his convictions; so much so that his leadership strategies were what some may refer to as unilateral and self executed. Unlike some presidents before and after him who relied heavily on the council and direction of their own administration, Lyndon’s approach was more self guided. This phenomenon came in under the shadow of the JFK assignation and subsequent presidency. With this and numerous other facts in mind, what will be done in this paper is an overview of the Johnson presidency. The unilateralism of Johnson’s “top to bottom” micro management of the Vietnam War as well as his “Great Society” campaign will be examined, as well as the cloud that loomed over his residency in the White House after the JFK tragedy.
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