the european union_10

5 word format

Language : english

international relations

presentation

date published

17/06/2008

review : not yet assessed

level : Advanced

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Summary

Throughout the course of the twentieth century, the United States has worked diligently to develop cohesive and functional relationship with Europe. Although this process has enabled the US and Europe to develop a strong relationship, the reality is that both the United States and Europe have developed and evolved along different and autonomous pathways. As such, while there is a high degree of cohesion that exists between the US and Europe, there are some notable differences that keep these two entities separated from one another. Thus, the differences are quite notable and important in understanding the development of both regions.With the realization that the United States and Europe share so much common ground and so many differences there is a clear impetus to examine the issues and history that bring the US and Europe together as well as the issues and history that divide these two regions. Utilizing this as a basis for research, this investigation considers what has served as the basis for cohesion between the US and Europe and what has served as the basis for separation and/or conflict. Through a careful consideration of what has been written about the history and development of both the Untied States and Europe, it will be possible to elucidate key issues that both foster and hinder the relationship between these two regions.

The question wether there is currently something that can be called the crisis of social-democracy is arguable: after all, social-democractic and socialist parties are still the counterpart of Conservatives and Christian-democrats, sharing alternaltively government responsibilities at national level as well as in the European Parliament. Nevertheless the major transformations of the last 25 years, namely the acceleration of both globalization and Europeanization has upset the core of both the Social Democratic ideology and policies: the central role of the Welfare State. Thus, socialist politicians have to face the hegemony of the neo-liberal ideology and the fundamentally liberal nature of the European project based on the single market. Besides, the ideological debate on the political meaning of choices made for the economic governance in Europe tends to be watered down by the genuine weakness of party politics in the EU institutional constellation. Regarding this background, how has the social-democratic movement developped at European level?
The first step draws back to 1974 with the creation of the Confederation of the Socialist Parties (CSP) of the European Community related to the coming first direct election of the Assembly of the EC in 1979. At this early stage, the CSP was a very weak entity: on the organisational level, its was little more than appendices of the national parties ; while on the ideological level it was devided on the issue of European integration as a consequence of the Northern enlargement and the membership of the British, Danish and Irish Labour parties . With the introduction of Article 138 A in the Treaty of Maastricht and the recognition of the positive role of European political parties regarding the progress of integration, the CSP became the Party of European Socialists (PES): the new orgnization was meant to perform a better linkage function between all the components of the Social-democratic movement in Europe on the one hand, and to provide for a common ideological platform on the other hand . In 1995, the statutes of the PES changed again to bring more supranationalism as accounted by the introduction of decision-making by qualified majority voting. Given the PES’ ambitions, this paper will try to explain to what extent the PES performs the function of a catalyst for a common identity of European Social Democracy. In this respect, it will first enlarge on the elements accounting for the emergence of a common ideology, going then to the institutional constraints affecting the role of the PES; finally, there will be an analysis of the meaning of the rejection of the Constitutional treaty by the left-wing of the French Socialist Party and its electorate for the topic at stake.

Two years ago, the European Union was joined by 10 new members whose 8 were former communist countries (plus Malta and Cyprus). The fifth enlargement has been the most ambitious in the history of the European Union. It was the largest ever in terms of number of countries (10) and population (75 million) acceding to the European Union. It was the most challenging in terms of disparity of wealth. Achieving the politic and economic reunification of Europe 15 years after the fall of the Berlin wall, it was the most symbolic since the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community which had achieved the French-German reconciliation.
Nevertheless, Eurobarometers showed this strongly symbolic enlargement meet a true enthusiasm neither in old members nor in new comers. Instead, the debate between pros and cons has been mainly situated at the economic level. Western Europeans mainly feared that the enlargement would cause industry outsourcing and Eastern workers’ immigration and thus raise unemployment in Western Europe. Many thought that the enlargement would come at a huge cost for the EU budget or would reduce the EU subsidiaries, including the CAP, they benefited from. Have these initial fears been fulfilled? On the other hand, the pros claimed that the enlargement would boost economy in both old and new members and that the European integration would accelerate the catching-up process and thus decrease the risk of outsourcing. What do the trends reveal two years later? In the context of high unemployment and lowest economic growth in Western Europe than outside, the political and symbolic dimension of the fifth enlargement was of little concern.
Although I considered this political and symbolic dimension at least as much important as the economic one, it would be impossible to analyze all the aspects of the 2004 enlargement exhaustively in just 15 pages. This paper is consequently focused only on the economic results of the enlargement (what is still too ambitious in 15 pages!). That can seem to be premature only two years after the enlargement. Of course, it is. Economic results should be studied in the long run. On the other hand, we need to analyze intermediate results and current trends not only to better the economic integration of the 2004 new members but also in the perspective of the next enlargement: the adhesion of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 or 2008.
Has the 2004 enlargement boosted the EU-15’s and/or new member states’ economies? Were Western Europeans’ initial fears justified actually? Has the EU-15 paid the bill for Eastern and Central European economic success?

The challenging fifth enlargement has undeniably boosted new comer's economies.
1. The fifth enlargement was a challenge.
2. Two years later, an economic success?.
Has Western Europe paid the bill for eastern and central European economic growth?.
1. Western fears were not justified.
2. A small impact on the EU's economy and budget.

$8.95

9 word format

Language : english

management

presentation

date published

21/11/2006

review : not yet assessed

level : Expert

requested 6 times

Summary

The trade of agricultural products is increasing a lot all over the world. In many countries (mainly the poorest ones), agriculture is the dominant sector of the economy and plays a very important role. To control the trade of agricultural products and to limit unfair practices, international negotiations have been set up for years. After the creation of the World Trade Organisation, the Agreement on Agriculture had been firmed, setting many rules on that market. The main objective of that agreement is to limit domestic support, export subsidies and to give a better access to market. In 2002, European Union was accused by Brazil (followed by Australia and Thailand) of not following these rules on the sugar market. Indeed, European Union promotes its own products thanks to subsidies, which distorts the market. The WTO concludes that European Union is in violation with the Agreement on Agriculture and has to stop those practices before 2007. If not, sanctions will be taken against European Union.

The European Union aims at protecting the health, safety and economic well-being of its citizens. It promotes their rights to information, helps them safeguard their interests and encourages them to set up consumer associations. Consumer policy is designed to improve the quality of life of all European citizens. The Union ensures that consumer interests are built into EU legislation for all 450 million citizens to benefit from the same high level of consumer protection. Yet, legislation is not the only way. Other methods are used, such as good practice guidelines and strong consumer organisations. Each European consumer must have sufficient accurate information before purchasing and rely on clear legal rights when transactions go wrong.

EU consumer policy has been constantly evolving since the first programme for consumer information and protection was adopted in 1975. A large number of measures have been taken to safeguard consumers’ interests in areas such as fair business practices, misleading and comparative advertising, price indicators and unfair contract terms for instance. The policy has ensured consumers a large degree of safety in many areas over the years. The General Product Safety Directive was adopted in 1992, a revised version of it came into force in January 2004, introducing new and stricter rules and safety requirements for sports and playground equipment, childcare articles, textiles and furniture. Safety measures were already in place for toys, electric appliances, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and machinery.

EU consumer policy for 2002-2006 should:
- guarantee essential health and safety standards, so that buyers are sure the products they purchase are safe and that they are protected against illegal and abusive practices by sellers;
- enable individuals to understand policies that affect them and have a say when these policies are made;
- establish a common environment across the Union so that shoppers are confident about making cross-border purchases;
- ensure that consumer concerns are taken into account in every relevant EU policy area, from environment and transport to financial services and agriculture.

The principles of the consumer protection . An overview of EU policy
1. Institutional background
2. Current priorities
3. Financial support of EU consumer policy
The consumer protection in practice selected examples of EU achievements
1. Consumer safety
2. Protection of consumer´ s economic and legal interests
3. Consumer information

$2.95

3 word format

Language : english

european union

presentation

date published

24/03/2006

review : not yet assessed

level : Expert

requested 24 times

“It is time to stop pretending that Europeans and Americans share a common view of the world, or even that they occupy the same world” (Robert Kagan, Power and Weakness). Discuss.

Summary

Exposé en Anglais sur le Royaume-Uni et un passage éventuel à l'euro, qui examine les différents arguments favorables et opposés à l'adoption de la monnaie européenne.

Soon after election, in 1997, the Chancellor, Gordon Brown, said that four of the five tests had not been met (only the fourth was met, about the impact of euro membership on the City of London) but that there were obvious economic benefits to joining. He said that the government should “prepare intensely” so that Britain could be in a position to sign up “early in the next Parliament”. On June of this year, he said exactly the same thing, except he did not give a date.
Are the benefits of Euro membership obvious for Britain? Will a referendum be held in the next Parliament? What would be the outcome?

Throughout his works J. Habermas has articulated a universalist vision of political life, studying the possibilities of a renewal of democracy in a globalized political environment. With The Postnational Constellation, Habermas focused on the moral and ethical dilemmas of the global postindustrial era, looking for the construction of an inclusive universalist moral framework of mutual understanding...

From nationalism to constitutional patriotism, from the subject to the citizen
1. Calling into question national identity
2. Constitutional patriotism
From the nation-state to the postnational constellation
1. The end of nation-state
2. Beyond the nation-state : the European Union ?
3. A 'world domestic policy'?
Toward cosmopolitan consciousness
1. Cosmopolitan solidarity
2. Cosmopolitanism and human rights
Postmodern philosophy

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Can the war on terrorism justify an Empire politics?

$5.95

6 word format

Language : english

political science

presentation

date published

02/04/2007

review : not yet assessed

level : Advanced

requested 1 times

Summary

The fear that Britain would become, as Labour’s post-war Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin put it “just another European country” , was one of the main reasons to explain the British refusal to join a European supranational organisation. The Attlee government was indeed in favour of cooperation amongst Western European countries but did not want to be one of them . The view of the Foreign Office was that “Great Britain must be viewed as a world power of the second rank and not merely as a unit as a federated Europe” . In fact, in 1945, Britain was in a mood of triumph. It had won the war and was relatively intact. It was the only European country to have successfully defied Hitler for more than five years. It considered itself a great power, the centre of a Commonwealth and Empire covering one-fifth of the globe, and an equal of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. The British media even proudly referred to the United Kingdom as one of the Big Three and this was confirmed by Article 23 of the United Nations Charter which named Britain as one of the five permanent members of the Security Council. This led to a kind of disdain for any special relations with other European countries. The foundation for what would become the European Union was then laid without the UK. However, just four years after its rejection of the 1957 Treaty of Rome, the Macmillan government advanced its first application for membership to the European Economic Community (EEC). There were economic, political and security reasons for explaining this change in policy. The common denominator in these causes can be regarded as linked with a certain decline of Britain’s power in each of these spheres. But to what extent can we speak of Britain’s declining global status? What other reasons can be found?

The application for membership and the decline of Britain's power
The Suez Crisis which: its crucial significance on the erosion of relations with the Commonwealth and the USA
Economical aspects
Success of the EEC compared to the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): consequences of decolonisation
Parties' strategies and the change in attitude towards sovereignty
The situation of post-war Britain and the Britain of the 1960s

$4.95

5 word format

Language : english

economics

presentation

date published

20/04/2007

review : not yet assessed

level : Expert

requested 5 times