« The consequences of european union membership on swedish welfare state and economy. The Swedish leaders decided to apply for membership of the European Union. ...» Document abstract
$7.95
8 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
14/03/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 5 times
SummarySweden officially joined the European Union on January 1st, 1995. Since that time Sweden is part of the European Union, but it is said to be one of the most Euro-sceptical members of the Union. What are the causes for this strong Swedish Euro-scepticism? It is linked to the special social structure of Sweden, characterized by the well-known universal welfare state, and the Social-Democrat dominated state, linked to the importance of the trade unions in Sweden, as Sweden has approximately 80 percent of Unions’ members.
So we can wonder what the consequences of Sweden’s entrance in the European Union on the Swedish model were, and focus mainly on its economic aftermath. To what extent can the roots of the Swedish Euro-scepticism be found in the Swedish model? What were the different points of view over the European question in Sweden? Are the doubts over Europe linked to the economic and social results of the European Union membership?
So we can wonder what the consequences of Sweden’s entrance in the European Union on the Swedish model were, and focus mainly on its economic aftermath. To what extent can the roots of the Swedish Euro-scepticism be found in the Swedish model? What were the different points of view over the European question in Sweden? Are the doubts over Europe linked to the economic and social results of the European Union membership?
Table of Contents- Basic tenants of the swedish model
- The swedish debate over the european question
- The consequences of european union membership on swedish welfare state and economy
«Integration of the European Union: the institutional challenge . 25 countries: no more old certainties about the future of the European Union . ...» Document abstract
$5.95
6 word format
Language : english
European law
worksheets
date published
15/01/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 16 times
SummaryThe Europe of 25 is a factor of chances but also of risks. The enlarged European Union will not be the same at a bigger scale. The sphere of action of the European institutions is changing and it has to be adapted to a brand new structure. The socio-economic disparities between the Europe of 15 and the 10 new members require a new repartition of the European budget and new economic instruments of redistribution.
Table of Contents- Integration of the European Union: the institutional challenge
- 25 countries: no more old certainties about the future of the European Union
« integration. Historical review of Britain an de European Union, from 1950 to these days. Britain, EEUU and the European Community. ...» Document abstract
$3.95
4 word format
Language : english
international relations
presentation
date published
27/03/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 17 times
Summary“We have our own dream and our own task. We are with Europe, but not of it. We are linked, but not combined. We are interested and associated, but not absorbed.”
Winston Churchill’s famous quote aptly describes Britain’s approach to European integration since the inception of the EU in the 1950’s. Churchill emphasised that although he was ‘not opposed to a European Federation’, he ‘never thought that Britain or the British Commonwealth should become an integral part.’ Churchill’s attitude towards the EU has been imitated by many of the Prime Ministers that followed him. Britain’s relationship towards European integration has generally been one of a reluctant union, supporting free trade and mutually beneficial cooperation, while attempting to distance itself from economic and cultural ‘unity’ with Europe. In the same way, Keynes wrote in 1919: “England still stands outside Europe. Europe’s voiceless tremors do not reach her. Europe is apart and England is not of her Flesh and blood.” This statement also highlights the fact that by the end of the First World War Britain was considered to be “in Europe but not of Europe”.
Winston Churchill’s famous quote aptly describes Britain’s approach to European integration since the inception of the EU in the 1950’s. Churchill emphasised that although he was ‘not opposed to a European Federation’, he ‘never thought that Britain or the British Commonwealth should become an integral part.’ Churchill’s attitude towards the EU has been imitated by many of the Prime Ministers that followed him. Britain’s relationship towards European integration has generally been one of a reluctant union, supporting free trade and mutually beneficial cooperation, while attempting to distance itself from economic and cultural ‘unity’ with Europe. In the same way, Keynes wrote in 1919: “England still stands outside Europe. Europe’s voiceless tremors do not reach her. Europe is apart and England is not of her Flesh and blood.” This statement also highlights the fact that by the end of the First World War Britain was considered to be “in Europe but not of Europe”.
Table of Contents- UK and the European Community: the problem of the integration
- Historical review of Britain an de European Union, from 1950 to these days
- Britain, E.E.U.U. and the European Community
What are the challenges facing the EU in its attempts to establish democratic institutional structures ?
« rights: the Treaty of Maastricht included for the first time the respect of fundamental rights in Article 6 of the Treaty on the European Union; and the Treaty ...» Document abstract
$6.95
7 word format
Language : english
European law
presentation
date published
31/08/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 32 times
Summary“It is time to recognise that the Union has moved from a diplomatic to a democratic process, with policies that reach deep into national societies and daily life” . This statement by the European Commission subsumes ten years of political and academic on-going debate on the “democratic deficit” of the EU. The main trigger of this issue was the launch of political integration by Treaty of Maastricht. As a result, the democratisation of the Union has been at the centre of all Treaty changes in the nineteen ninentees, which accounted for the urgent need felt by both political leaders and EU bureaucrats for enhancing the legitimacy of the EU. The failure of the Constitution’s ratification process shows how crucial it remains to identify the challenges facing the EU in its attempts to establish democratic institutional structures, if the former are to be addressed. This paper will argue that these challenges are related to the undertaken shift from an elitist structure based on Nation-States to a multi-level polity including all citizens. Since these two ideas are ideal-types situated at both ends of a spectrum, the position the EU holds or should hold varies along normative lines. Institutional structures will be understood here in the (broad) constructivist sense, ie as all institutionalised processes that characterise the EU as a polity, including – next to institutions themselves – constitutionalised values, mecanisms for participation, decision-making processes, etc. Democracy will be defined as a mode of governance characterised by a set of procedures but also by substantive values , both aiming at guaranteeing the election by citizens of representatives on a pluralist basis, the respect of the rule of law, as well as the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals and minorities. Dealing with challenges requires th consider three relevant topics: the current situation, the objectives pursued by the EU and the – both conceptual and practical – obstacles on the way. Thus, I will first examine the obstacles towards a multi-level system of governance specific to the EU. Then, I will go on the impediments to the shift from an elitist and functionally fragmented decision-making structure to a more inclusive political community.
Table of Contents- Theorizing and achieving a model of democracy specific to the EU .
- The current picture: the blatant inadequacy of both supranational and intergovernmental models .
- The EU as a multi-level polity: conceptual and practical obstacles.
- From an elitist and functionnally fragmentated polity to an inclusive political community.
- The current picture: democratic legitimacy prevented by the ´cognitive deficit´ and the unbalanced representation of societal interests.
- The challenge: towards an enhanced citizen's involvment and a ´European social contract´?.
What has served as the basis for cohesion between the US and Europe and what has served as the basis for separation and/or conflict?
« continent. In an effort to ensure political integration, the major powers of Europe set out to form the European Union. Wallace ...» Document abstract
$4.95
5 word format
Language : english
international relations
presentation
date published
17/06/2008
review : not yet assessed
level : Advanced
requested 0 times
SummaryThroughout the course of the twentieth century, the United States has worked diligently to develop cohesive and functional relationship with Europe. Although this process has enabled the US and Europe to develop a strong relationship, the reality is that both the United States and Europe have developed and evolved along different and autonomous pathways. As such, while there is a high degree of cohesion that exists between the US and Europe, there are some notable differences that keep these two entities separated from one another. Thus, the differences are quite notable and important in understanding the development of both regions.With the realization that the United States and Europe share so much common ground and so many differences there is a clear impetus to examine the issues and history that bring the US and Europe together as well as the issues and history that divide these two regions. Utilizing this as a basis for research, this investigation considers what has served as the basis for cohesion between the US and Europe and what has served as the basis for separation and/or conflict. Through a careful consideration of what has been written about the history and development of both the Untied States and Europe, it will be possible to elucidate key issues that both foster and hinder the relationship between these two regions.
Table of Contents- Introduction
- The United States and Europe'Issues that Foster Solidarity
- The United States and Europe'Issues that Foster Division
- Conclusion
« themes that seem to be formulated more clearly: "1) Boost Europe's growth, fight poverty and create more and better jobs; 1) Bring the European Union closer to ...» Document abstract
$8.95
9 word format
Language : english
political science
presentation
date published
31/08/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 8 times
SummaryThe question wether there is currently something that can be called the crisis of social-democracy is arguable: after all, social-democractic and socialist parties are still the counterpart of Conservatives and Christian-democrats, sharing alternaltively government responsibilities at national level as well as in the European Parliament. Nevertheless the major transformations of the last 25 years, namely the acceleration of both globalization and Europeanization has upset the core of both the Social Democratic ideology and policies: the central role of the Welfare State. Thus, socialist politicians have to face the hegemony of the neo-liberal ideology and the fundamentally liberal nature of the European project based on the single market. Besides, the ideological debate on the political meaning of choices made for the economic governance in Europe tends to be watered down by the genuine weakness of party politics in the EU institutional constellation. Regarding this background, how has the social-democratic movement developped at European level?
The first step draws back to 1974 with the creation of the Confederation of the Socialist Parties (CSP) of the European Community related to the coming first direct election of the Assembly of the EC in 1979. At this early stage, the CSP was a very weak entity: on the organisational level, its was little more than appendices of the national parties ; while on the ideological level it was devided on the issue of European integration as a consequence of the Northern enlargement and the membership of the British, Danish and Irish Labour parties . With the introduction of Article 138 A in the Treaty of Maastricht and the recognition of the positive role of European political parties regarding the progress of integration, the CSP became the Party of European Socialists (PES): the new orgnization was meant to perform a better linkage function between all the components of the Social-democratic movement in Europe on the one hand, and to provide for a common ideological platform on the other hand . In 1995, the statutes of the PES changed again to bring more supranationalism as accounted by the introduction of decision-making by qualified majority voting. Given the PES’ ambitions, this paper will try to explain to what extent the PES performs the function of a catalyst for a common identity of European Social Democracy. In this respect, it will first enlarge on the elements accounting for the emergence of a common ideology, going then to the institutional constraints affecting the role of the PES; finally, there will be an analysis of the meaning of the rejection of the Constitutional treaty by the left-wing of the French Socialist Party and its electorate for the topic at stake.
The first step draws back to 1974 with the creation of the Confederation of the Socialist Parties (CSP) of the European Community related to the coming first direct election of the Assembly of the EC in 1979. At this early stage, the CSP was a very weak entity: on the organisational level, its was little more than appendices of the national parties ; while on the ideological level it was devided on the issue of European integration as a consequence of the Northern enlargement and the membership of the British, Danish and Irish Labour parties . With the introduction of Article 138 A in the Treaty of Maastricht and the recognition of the positive role of European political parties regarding the progress of integration, the CSP became the Party of European Socialists (PES): the new orgnization was meant to perform a better linkage function between all the components of the Social-democratic movement in Europe on the one hand, and to provide for a common ideological platform on the other hand . In 1995, the statutes of the PES changed again to bring more supranationalism as accounted by the introduction of decision-making by qualified majority voting. Given the PES’ ambitions, this paper will try to explain to what extent the PES performs the function of a catalyst for a common identity of European Social Democracy. In this respect, it will first enlarge on the elements accounting for the emergence of a common ideology, going then to the institutional constraints affecting the role of the PES; finally, there will be an analysis of the meaning of the rejection of the Constitutional treaty by the left-wing of the French Socialist Party and its electorate for the topic at stake.
Table of Contents- Background and brief historical overview of the PES' development.
- A role constrained by the institutional features of the EU party politics .
- Case study: an attempt to shed light on the french socialist ´no´ to the Constitutional treaty .
« The economic results of the 2004 enlargement of the European Union Introduction I- The challenging fifth enlargement has undeniably boosted new comer's ...» Document abstract
$9.95
15 word format
Language : english
economics
presentation
date published
21/08/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : General public
requested 14 times
SummaryTwo years ago, the European Union was joined by 10 new members whose 8 were former communist countries (plus Malta and Cyprus). The fifth enlargement has been the most ambitious in the history of the European Union. It was the largest ever in terms of number of countries (10) and population (75 million) acceding to the European Union. It was the most challenging in terms of disparity of wealth. Achieving the politic and economic reunification of Europe 15 years after the fall of the Berlin wall, it was the most symbolic since the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community which had achieved the French-German reconciliation.
Nevertheless, Eurobarometers showed this strongly symbolic enlargement meet a true enthusiasm neither in old members nor in new comers. Instead, the debate between pros and cons has been mainly situated at the economic level. Western Europeans mainly feared that the enlargement would cause industry outsourcing and Eastern workers’ immigration and thus raise unemployment in Western Europe. Many thought that the enlargement would come at a huge cost for the EU budget or would reduce the EU subsidiaries, including the CAP, they benefited from. Have these initial fears been fulfilled? On the other hand, the pros claimed that the enlargement would boost economy in both old and new members and that the European integration would accelerate the catching-up process and thus decrease the risk of outsourcing. What do the trends reveal two years later? In the context of high unemployment and lowest economic growth in Western Europe than outside, the political and symbolic dimension of the fifth enlargement was of little concern.
Although I considered this political and symbolic dimension at least as much important as the economic one, it would be impossible to analyze all the aspects of the 2004 enlargement exhaustively in just 15 pages. This paper is consequently focused only on the economic results of the enlargement (what is still too ambitious in 15 pages!). That can seem to be premature only two years after the enlargement. Of course, it is. Economic results should be studied in the long run. On the other hand, we need to analyze intermediate results and current trends not only to better the economic integration of the 2004 new members but also in the perspective of the next enlargement: the adhesion of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 or 2008.
Has the 2004 enlargement boosted the EU-15’s and/or new member states’ economies? Were Western Europeans’ initial fears justified actually? Has the EU-15 paid the bill for Eastern and Central European economic success?
Nevertheless, Eurobarometers showed this strongly symbolic enlargement meet a true enthusiasm neither in old members nor in new comers. Instead, the debate between pros and cons has been mainly situated at the economic level. Western Europeans mainly feared that the enlargement would cause industry outsourcing and Eastern workers’ immigration and thus raise unemployment in Western Europe. Many thought that the enlargement would come at a huge cost for the EU budget or would reduce the EU subsidiaries, including the CAP, they benefited from. Have these initial fears been fulfilled? On the other hand, the pros claimed that the enlargement would boost economy in both old and new members and that the European integration would accelerate the catching-up process and thus decrease the risk of outsourcing. What do the trends reveal two years later? In the context of high unemployment and lowest economic growth in Western Europe than outside, the political and symbolic dimension of the fifth enlargement was of little concern.
Although I considered this political and symbolic dimension at least as much important as the economic one, it would be impossible to analyze all the aspects of the 2004 enlargement exhaustively in just 15 pages. This paper is consequently focused only on the economic results of the enlargement (what is still too ambitious in 15 pages!). That can seem to be premature only two years after the enlargement. Of course, it is. Economic results should be studied in the long run. On the other hand, we need to analyze intermediate results and current trends not only to better the economic integration of the 2004 new members but also in the perspective of the next enlargement: the adhesion of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 or 2008.
Has the 2004 enlargement boosted the EU-15’s and/or new member states’ economies? Were Western Europeans’ initial fears justified actually? Has the EU-15 paid the bill for Eastern and Central European economic success?
Table of Contents- The challenging fifth enlargement has undeniably boosted new comer's economies.
- The fifth enlargement was a challenge.
- Two years later, an economic success?.
- Has Western Europe paid the bill for eastern and central European economic growth?.
- Western fears were not justified.
- A small impact on the EU's economy and budget.
« EU loses a landmark sugar case at the WTO », by SAPA-AP & Blomberg, business Report, 29 April 2005
« In 2002, European Union was accused by Brazil (followed by Australia and Thailand) of not following these rules on the sugar market. ...» Document abstract
$8.95
9 word format
Language : english
management
presentation
date published
21/11/2006
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 6 times
SummaryThe trade of agricultural products is increasing a lot all over the world. In many countries (mainly the poorest ones), agriculture is the dominant sector of the economy and plays a very important role. To control the trade of agricultural products and to limit unfair practices, international negotiations have been set up for years. After the creation of the World Trade Organisation, the Agreement on Agriculture had been firmed, setting many rules on that market. The main objective of that agreement is to limit domestic support, export subsidies and to give a better access to market. In 2002, European Union was accused by Brazil (followed by Australia and Thailand) of not following these rules on the sugar market. Indeed, European Union promotes its own products thanks to subsidies, which distorts the market. The WTO concludes that European Union is in violation with the Agreement on Agriculture and has to stop those practices before 2007. If not, sanctions will be taken against European Union.
Table of Contents- The agricultural industry.
- The trade of agricultural products.
- Commercial policies before the institution of the World Trade Organisation.
- Agricultural negotiations of the Uruguay round.
- The agreement on agriculture.
- Sugar case.
- The complaint.
- WTO reactions.
- Consequences.
« Principles and Practices of Consumer's Protection within the European Union Introduction Part One: The Principles of the Consumer Protection - An Overview of ...» Document abstract
$9.95
19 word format
Language : english
European law
presentation
date published
16/01/2007
review : not yet assessed
level : Expert
requested 23 times
SummaryThe European Union aims at protecting the health, safety and economic well-being of its citizens. It promotes their rights to information, helps them safeguard their interests and encourages them to set up consumer associations. Consumer policy is designed to improve the quality of life of all European citizens. The Union ensures that consumer interests are built into EU legislation for all 450 million citizens to benefit from the same high level of consumer protection. Yet, legislation is not the only way. Other methods are used, such as good practice guidelines and strong consumer organisations. Each European consumer must have sufficient accurate information before purchasing and rely on clear legal rights when transactions go wrong.
EU consumer policy has been constantly evolving since the first programme for consumer information and protection was adopted in 1975. A large number of measures have been taken to safeguard consumers’ interests in areas such as fair business practices, misleading and comparative advertising, price indicators and unfair contract terms for instance. The policy has ensured consumers a large degree of safety in many areas over the years. The General Product Safety Directive was adopted in 1992, a revised version of it came into force in January 2004, introducing new and stricter rules and safety requirements for sports and playground equipment, childcare articles, textiles and furniture. Safety measures were already in place for toys, electric appliances, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and machinery.
EU consumer policy for 2002-2006 should:
- guarantee essential health and safety standards, so that buyers are sure the products they purchase are safe and that they are protected against illegal and abusive practices by sellers;
- enable individuals to understand policies that affect them and have a say when these policies are made;
- establish a common environment across the Union so that shoppers are confident about making cross-border purchases;
- ensure that consumer concerns are taken into account in every relevant EU policy area, from environment and transport to financial services and agriculture.
EU consumer policy has been constantly evolving since the first programme for consumer information and protection was adopted in 1975. A large number of measures have been taken to safeguard consumers’ interests in areas such as fair business practices, misleading and comparative advertising, price indicators and unfair contract terms for instance. The policy has ensured consumers a large degree of safety in many areas over the years. The General Product Safety Directive was adopted in 1992, a revised version of it came into force in January 2004, introducing new and stricter rules and safety requirements for sports and playground equipment, childcare articles, textiles and furniture. Safety measures were already in place for toys, electric appliances, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and machinery.
EU consumer policy for 2002-2006 should:
- guarantee essential health and safety standards, so that buyers are sure the products they purchase are safe and that they are protected against illegal and abusive practices by sellers;
- enable individuals to understand policies that affect them and have a say when these policies are made;
- establish a common environment across the Union so that shoppers are confident about making cross-border purchases;
- ensure that consumer concerns are taken into account in every relevant EU policy area, from environment and transport to financial services and agriculture.
Table of Contents- The principles of the consumer protection . An overview of EU policy
- Institutional background
- Current priorities
- Financial support of EU consumer policy
- The consumer protection in practice selected examples of EU achievements
- Consumer safety
- Protection of consumer´ s economic and legal interests
- Consumer information
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